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Chapter the Sixth: Greece

Look once more, ere we leave this specular mount,
Westward, much nearer by south-west; behold
Where on the Aegean shore a city stands,
Built nobly, pure the air and light the soil;
Athens, the eye of Greece, mother of arts
And Eloquence, native to famous wits
Or hospitable, in her sweet recess,
City or suburban, studious walks and shades.

See there the olive-grove of Academe,
Plato's retirement, where the Attic bird
Trills her thick-warbled notes the summer long;
There, flowery hill, Hymettus, with the sound
Of bees' industrious murmur, oft invites
To studious musing; there Ilissos rolls
His whispering stream. Within the walls then view
The schools of ancient sages; his who bred
Great Alexander to subdue the world.

As with Egypt begins the history of eastern civilization, so in Greece we find the origin of the political, social, and intellectual life of the great nations of the west. By the Greeks was first held in confine the despotism of Asiatic monarchies, and by them was first established the principle that no one man should rule with absolute sway. From the beginning their annals were those of a people subject to the dictates of reason, with a strong sense of individual duties and of individual rights, searching into the causes of things, interpreting nature in beautiful forms and human thought in the clearest of language. Nor is the value of Grecian annals restricted to the period when authentic records separate fiction from fact, and present to us the balanced and well ordered community from which European civilization was evolved. Long before the first Olympiad, when written characters began to be used for the perpetuation of historic events, history was mingled with legend, forming a transition state between the two. The religion, moreover, and in part the institutions of the Greeks were molded on these legends, which, lining with brilliant hues the clouds that veil Hellenic Story, long survived their existence as an independent nation.

But with the countless traditions of the Greeks, and their gods almost as numerous, we are not here concerned, though in many, whether relating to gods or men, are the strongest elements of the picturesque. In their theogony there was little pertaining to the creation of man, and for the most part they were content to trace their origin to some primeval ancestor sprung from goddess or nymph, from river or mountain. In other vein is Hesiod’s description, as contained in his ethical poem of Works and Days, when; is perhaps the most beautiful of all stories as to the origin and evolution of the human family. Down to his own time, as he relates, there were five distinct races of men, and that he lived in the fifth was to him a life-long regret; for this was the iron age, one given to oppression, injustice, dishonesty, and all manner of evil, and therefore doomed to suffering and speedy extinction, though what was to come after it he does not tell us.

First and best of all was the golden race created In Olympian gods, when the spontaneous fruits of the earth were sufficient for the needs of all, when men knew neither sorrow sin nor suffering, neither sickness nor old age, living a life of tranquility and repose, as did the gods themselves, and passing away in a gentle sleep. Far inferior was the silver race which for their wickedness and impiety Jove buried in the earth. Of matchless strength and spirit was the brazen race, with implements arms and dwellings of brass; for as yet then; was no iron; but through perpetual warfare it was presently destroyed, giving place to heroes and demigods, such as those who fought at Troy, of whom some were slain in battle and some were removed to the isles of the blessed.

Even in the golden age there were daemons as well as gods; but these were in the form of terrestrial guardians appointed by Zeus to watch unseen the deeds of man, to take account of them and to distribute wealth among the deserving. Neither are the Hesiodic nor other demons authors or abettors of evil, those of Homer differing but little from the gods, both visiting in disguise the haunts of men, observing their actions, and bestowing rewards and punishments. Especially were demons useful as the police or intermediate agents of the gods for the repression of human wickedness, thus performing a good work, and one of which the world is sorely in need at the present day. It was not until the time of Xenocrates that the modern or purely malignant daemon was invented; and though in a measure countenanced by Plato, such were not readily adopted into the religious system of the Greeks. Yet these also served a good purpose, shifting from the gods the odium of bringing tribulation on the world, and explaining many ills which it was not convenient to attribute to celestial agency. Hence, with some changes, the Hellenic daemon was readily adopted by early Christian writers: for they also must have a being on whose shoulders they could lay the woes and vices of the world, a being whose nature was entirely evil as contrasted the goodness of a god.

It was small in area, this land of Hellas—the word Greece being first used by the Romans and never by the Creeks themselves—considerably smaller than Scotland, and about one-seventh the size of California which in climate and products it somewhat resembles. Yet within these narrow limits were many independent states, some with but the merest strip of territory, and few of greater extent than a Texas farm of the larger class. It was a mountainous country its numerous ranges separated by narrow valleys and plains, in which dwelt isolated communities, differing as much in manners customs and institutions as though, instead of being separated only by a mountain chain, they were thousands of miles apart. In no part of Hellas do we find ourselves more than a few miles distant from lofty hills, or more than forty miles from the sea. The extent of shore line, greater than that of the entire Spanish peninsula, was one of its natural advantages; and as Strabo remarks, the sea was the guiding feature in its geography. On the eastern shore was the Aegean, thickly studded with islands; on the west it was separated from Italy by the narrow channel of the Adriatic, and toward the south the broad Mediterranean divided it from the most fertile regions of Africa. Only on the northern side was it accessible by land, where were mountain barriers impassable except through defiles easily defended against superior numbers by a handful of resolute men.

At the time when the Mediterranean was the world’s highway of commerce, no country was more favorably situated than Greece. Its shores were indented with numerous bays and gulfs, many of them running far inland, and with rare exceptions giving to all the political divisions a separate seaboard. There were scores of navigable harbors, and from every state was easy and ready access to the coast. Thus the Greeks were both mariners and mountaineers, dwelling among their native hills bathed in the rich coloring of a transparent atmosphere, amid an environment which could not fail to develop the love of freedom and foster the spirit of adventure. As with the Swiss, they owed much of their greatness to the physical features of the country in which they lived, much of their vigor of mind and body, their quickness of perception, and their wonderful versatility. Nor were natural resources wanting. Their small but fertile valleys produced grains and fruits; there was no lack of oil and wine; on the hills was excellent pasture for cattle, on mountain slopes now bare were forests of valuable timber; of useful metals there was a plentiful supply, and from the mines of Thrace and of Laurium came the treasures which enabled Athens to build her fleets during the days of her naval supremacy.

While doubtless there was an anti-Hellenic period, it is with the Hellenic branch of the great Pelasgian family that the real history of Greece begins. According to their own traditions they were the descendants of a common ancestor named Hellen, son of Deucalion, the Greek hero of the deluge, and father also of Dorus and Aeolus, whence the Dorians and Aeolians; while unto Xuthus, another of his sons, were born Ion and Achaeus, who gave their names to the Ionians and Achaeans. From their home in southern Thessaly they spread, and with them their name, throughout the peninsula, forming many settlements and living together, as Herodotus says, in fellowship of blood and language, of religion customs and institutions.

They were an exclusive people, glorying in their origin and name, which to them was the Symbol of civilization and fraternity. All non-Hellenic communities they called barbarians, including in this term the cultured Egyptians, the wealthy Carthaginians, and even the patricians of ancient Rome; using it, however, not in the modern sense but as expressing repugnance and contempt.

The Hellenes came originally from the table-lands of central Asia, the home of many nations, all in a measure civilized, and in languages belonging to the Indo-European family, of which there were many varieties. At first they were a pastoral rather than an agricultural people, but not unacquainted with the useful arts, knowing how to manufacture wool into clothing, and how to work in copper, silver, and gold, while for weapons they had the bow, the sword, and the spear. During the heroic age they were divided Into three classes; nobles or chiefs, freemen, and slaves, wealth and power being concentrated in the hands of the first, though among the freemen there were certain callings, as those of the seer and bard, the carpenter and smith, which were held in high esteem. Yet the nobles were far above all others, holding large estates which they worked with slaves whom they treated kindly. Especially was the distinction marked in time of war, when the chieftains were almost the only combatants and the common soldiery as nothing. In his two-horse chariot, with a chosen friend as driver, armed with long spears, with swords and daggers, and with breast-plate and greaves, helmet and shield as protective armor, a single hero might sometimes scatter an army.

Commerce was despised; but piracy was considered one of the most honorable professions whereby a noble could enrich himself. Such traffic as existed was in the form of barter; for as yet there was no coined money, Phoenician merchants exchanging for Hellenic products the manufactures of the East, among them the choicest fabrics of Sidonian looms. Manners were simple and free from affectation, nobles and even kings not deeming it beneath their dignity to practice the manual arts, while their wives and daughters carried water from the well and washed garments in the river side by side with their slaves. We have read how Ulysses built his own bed-chamber, and prided himself on his dexterity in handling the plow. Achilles, the fiercest of warriors, was probably an excellent cook; for the chieftains prepared their own meals, and were proud of their skill in cookery. Their food was plain and substantial, consisting chiefly of goat's flesh, beef, and mutton—though pork was later a favorite dish, especially among the Athenians—bread served from baskets and , , cheese or bouturon, whence probably our word butter. For drink there was wine diluted with water, partaken of sparingly and after libations to the gods.

Yet, with all their simplicity, the Greeks of the heroic age were far advanced in the arts of civilization. They lived in fortified towns within whose massive walls were stately temples and palaces. As Homer relates, though doubtless his descriptions are somewhat over colored, the chieftains lived in splendid mansions glittering with gold and silver, their persons arrayed in garments fashioned of the richest of oriental textures. In chariots drawn by the high-bred steeds of Argos they traveled far and fast, and the sea they navigated swiftly in galleys manned by fifty oarsmen. Great public works they also undertook, as the tunnel which drained the waters of Lake Copais, four miles in length and with many shafts, of which one is 150 feet in depth. But greatest of all the surviving monuments of the heroic age are the walls of Mycenae, wealthy Mecenae as Homer calls it, though its wealth did not always endure; for after some centuries of prosperity a protracted war with the Argives resulted in the plundering and dismantling of the city. Among the ruins are the treasure-houses of Atreus and his descendants subterraneous buildings constructed in the side of a hill and of which one is still preserved.

They were richly sculptured, as also was the Lion gate, where was the principal entrance to the town, above it two lions rampant carved in relief.

It is with a feeling akin to awe that we look on the remains of this ancient city, which lay in ruins in the time when Thucydides wrote. In its underground vaults was stored the wealth of the earlier kings of Mycenae, their floors covered with tripods and vases of gold and bronze, the gifts of Greek and Persian kings. Suspended on the walls were the weapons and equipments of the heroic age swords and lances, breastplates and bucklers, greaves and helmets, bridles and trappings, all of them richly decorated. Here were the ivory frontlets which Maeonian women dyed, and in brass-bound chests were cloaks and tunics heavy with embroideries in gold and purple. Here also were the finest textures woven by princesses of the house of Atreus, while of the presents not a few were believed to have been presented by Minerva, or to have come direct from the forge of Vulcan.

The community of sentiment of which Herodotus speaks was nowhere more strongly marked than at what are termed the games of the Greeks, particularly the Olympic Games, which like the rest were rather in nature of religious festivals, sanctioned by the approval and in earlier times honored by the presence of the gods. Of such gatherings it would be difficult to exaggerate the importance; for in later times they were attended by multitudes from every portion of Hellas. Olympia, on the northern bank of the Alpheus, in the midst of a valley flanked by the snow-clad ranges of Cyllene and Erymanthos, was, as the orator Lysias declared, the fairest spot in Greece. It was one of the most ancient of Peloponnesian towns, its political and religious associations dating back to a pre-historic age, when in this valley the ancestors of the Hellenes offered sacrifice to the sky as their heaven-father. It was probably in honor of Pelops, whence the word Peloponnese, and by whom, as tradition relates, was founded in the southern peninsula the first of its Asiatic colonies, that the Olympic Games were instituted. In a somewhat later era Zeus and his sister-wife Hera were among the deities honored at the Olympian festivals, women selected in the town of Elis and of the neighboring state of Pisatis weaving for the latter her richly embroidered peplus. Thus was established an amphictyonic or federal league, corresponding to the more powerful organization in whose charge were the treasures of the Delphian temple, and in whose care were the interests of northern Greece. The league was joined by Sparta, and from it the Pisatians were presently excluded, the control of the games and their attendant festivities remaining in the hands of the Eleans. They were quadrennial gatherings, and with the year 776 commences the first of the Olympiads adopted in the Hellenic system of chronology, each one including the four years interval between the celebrations. For nearly twelve centuries, or long after Greece became a Roman province the contests were continued, until in 394 AD they were suppressed by the emperor Theodosius.

At first of a local character and lasting only for a single day, the games were so diversified and enlarged as to become a pan-hellenic celebration.

During the month in which they were held, all hostilities were suspended and Elis was considered as sacred territory on whose soil no foe might tread. The earlier exercises were of Spartan type, consisting chiefly of foot-racing and other such trials of strength and endurance as were connected with a warlike training. To these were added in the 25th Olympiad the four-horse chariot race, and later horse-racing, these in the hippodrome and apart from the stadion, now considerably enlarged; for wrestling, boxing, leaping, and the throwing of quoits and javelins were among the list of sports. The attendance was large, especially at the quadrigal contests; for here was a challenge to wealthy competitors from all the Grecian states, deputies vying with each other in the magnificence of their offerings, the splendor of their retinue, and the richness of their attire. In these contests only the wealthy could afford to participate, and hence on one of them was bestowed the olive wreath which formed the only prize, but one valued above all earthly possessions, one for which Philip of Macedon and Nero of Rome were not ashamed to compete. To the noble and long descended there was no worthier ambition than to be crowned as victor before assembled Hellas, and no greater honor could he confer on his family, his native city, and his native state. His statue was erected in the sacred precinct of the Olypian Zeus; returning homeward he was met in triumphal procession, and his praises were sung in the loftiest strains of poetry and song. Near the stadion, in the consecrated quarter known as the Altis, stood the temple of Olympian Zeus, a simple edifice of the Doric order, but rich in statuary and reliefs representing such ancient legends as the struggle between the Centaurs and Lapithae, the labors of Hercules, and the victory of Pelops in his chariot race with Oenomaus. Here also, in golden robes of figured gold, crowned with an olive wreath and holding forth a figure of victory. Jove himself was seated on a throne of ebony and ivory, richly sculptured, and inlaid with precious stones. In truth the statue was worthy of its theme and of the classic, era of Grecian art; for it was from the hand of Phidias, and on this and his chryselephantine statue of Athena largely rests the fame of the great sculptor. In the fifth century of our era both statue and temple were destroyed, the former in the great fire of Constantinople, whither it had been transferred, and the latter by the Goths, or as some have it by the emperor Theodosius II, Christian and iconoclast. Other Olympian fanes were those of Hera and Metroon, the mother of the gods, the latter with rich and varied decorations. Nearby were twelve treasure-houses, wherein was mainly stored the wealth of Elis; for here as elsewhere in Greece the temples also served as banks, or rather as safe-deposits, in which were preserved the votive offerings to the gods, and where the wealthy left for safe-keeping their more valuable effects, both largely in the form of gold and silver plate.

In the third year of each Olympiad were celebrated on the Cirrhaean plain, near Delphi, the Pythian games in honor of Apollo, and at first merely a competition among the bards who sang hymns in his praise. To these were added later horse and chariot racing, with athletic and other exercises, song and music being never omitted from the program. Though in origin probably at least as ancient as the Olympian games, they were never of equal importance, as is shown by the rewards which Solon granted to Athenian victors—500 drachmas to him who gained an Olympic prize, and to a Pythian conqueror 100 drachmas. The Nemean games held in honor of Nemean Jove, and the Isthmian games which the Corinthians dedicated to Poseidon completed the four great festivals of the Greeks. The latter were biennial celebrations, and so arranged as to date that each year had its great social and religious gathering.

To the merchant was here afforded an opportunity for traffic, and especially at Olympia, where the sacred enclosure was surrounded with booths, while in a spacious hall poets, historians, and philosophers recited their works.

More ancient even than the fane of Olympian Jove was the temple of the Pythian Apollo at Delphi, the founding of which belongs to a prehistoric age; for even in the Iliad it is mentioned as the most sacred and wealthy of Hellenic sanctuaries. Hither came votive offerings from many eastern and European nations, and as these accumulated with the lapse of centuries, the riches of Delphi began to be as famous as the oracular sayings of its priestess. As to the first temple, destroyed by fire in 548, little has come down to us except that it was built of stone; but of its successor a few remains are still preserved. Externally it was of the Doric order, and within of the Ionic, its front of Parian marble and its pediments covered with the figures of gods, demi-gods, and heroes. In trophies and decorative sculpture it was extremely rich; on the architraves were the gilded shields which the Athenians gathered among the spoils of Marathon, and those which the Aetolians captured from the Gauls, while on the panels of the frieze were portrayed some of the choicest of mythological subjects. Inscribed on the pronaos were the maxims of Grecian sages; in the cella the sacred fire was forever burning; beneath the mythic omphalos lay the center of the earth; in the adytum sat the priestess on her tripod, inhaling the subterranean vapors which gave her the gift of prophecy. To this oracle men from all the Grecian states, from Italy, Phrygia, and other foreign lands appealed for counsel when in distress. That the answers, delivered in hexameter verse, were obscure and ambiguous, often resulting in disappointment and disaster, did not impair the credit of the oracle which, long survived the downfall of Greece as an independent nation. As at Olympia and Delphi, Zeus was the deity to whom was dedicated the Epirot temple of Dodona; but Zeus, the national deity of the Greeks, lived in many forms, and here was worshipped as the Pelasgian Jove, he who wields the thunderbolt and controls the storm. Of all Hellenic sanctuaries this was the most ancient and venerable its fame inferior only to that of Delphi. The god was supposed to dwell in the stem of an oak, thus pointing to the tree-worship of prehistoric times. The auguries were taken from the rustling of its leaves, from the notes of doves settled in its branches, from the murmur of a stream which rose at its side, or from the sough of the wind amid the brazen tripods which encircled the temple; but while a dumb oracle it was none the less in repute, such men as Croesus and Lysander being numbered among its votaries. Other oracles and fanes were numerous in Greece; for seldom was any great enterprise, whether national or individual, undertaken without seeking thereupon the approval of the gods. As repositories of wealth they were liable to be despoiled; the Phocians indeed plundered Delphi during the time of Philip of Macedon, while Nero removed thence hundreds of brazen images, and to enrich his capital, Constantine carried away the sacred tripods and the statues of Apollo and the muses.

In the temple of Delphi was the assembly hall of the Amphictyonic council, one of the most powerful organizations of the earlier Greeks. While its origin has been traced to a mythic hero, the word amphictyones means simply those who dwell around or near a given neighborhood, and of such gatherings there were many in Hellas, though none with the power and dignity of that which met each spring in the fane of the Pythian Apollo, holding an autumnal meeting in the sanctuary of Demeter at Thermopylae. Here, in times as remote as the completion of the temple itself, deputies assembled from the twelve leading tribes to protect their common interests, chief among the obligations of their well-known oath being "not to destroy any Amphictyonic town, and not to cut off any Amphictyonic town from running water." No idle threat their vow to march against and destroy the city of anyone who should attempt to do so, and to punish with foot and hand and voice and by every means in their power those who should plunder the temple of Delphi, whose treasures were in their keeping. Witness the second of the sacred wars, in which nearly all Hellas was involved. Other oracles and fanes were numerous in Greece, and to despoil a temple brought reproach upon the nation. For using the treasures of Delphi the Phocians, after their defeat at Magnesia, were exterminated as a people. By order of the council their towns were to be destroyed; they must thenceforth dwell in villages containing not more than fifty houses: they were to be forever excluded from the Amphictyonic league, and must replace in yearly payments the Delphic treasures, amounting to 10,000 talents, or more than $12,000,000.

As to Lycurgus and Solon, the two great lawgivers of the Greeks, Plutarch declares that while as to the laws or his political career former nothing definite is known, nothing as to the date of his birth or death, his it is probable that he was one of those who in 776 assisted in restoring the Olympic games, and that his code was framed, if framed at all, about the close of tin preceding century.

Of royal lineage, and driven for a time from his native land, as was said, by his wife and sister-in-law, the former consort of King Polydectes, he had travelled far and to excellent purpose, studying the institutions of many countries. It is in the features thence adopted, in the customs, modes of life, and above all in the discipline of the Spartans, that we see the effect of his laws, and these I will briefly describe, though much of my description belongs to a somewhat later period.

In the picturesque valley of the Eurotas, and flanked on the west by Mount Taygetus, rising 8,000 feet above the city, its lower slopes covered with forests primeval, in which the stag and wild boar were hunted, lay the capital of Laconia, beautiful Lacedaemon as Homer terms it. In importance it never became as a city what Laconia was as a territory, consisting merely of a group of villages several miles in circuit, the houses plainly built and surrounded with spacious gardens, on the site of which still grow the olive and mulberry. Its defenses were the mountain walls and the strong arms of its warriors; for it was not until late in the fourth century, when Sparta was threatened by the Macedonian conquerors of Hellas, that fortifications were erected. There were few large public buildings, and none that approached to magnificence, except perhaps the temple of Athena, with plates of bronze on which were depicted a few mythological episodes. Everything was plain, substantial, and solid, as is shown in the huge stone blocks of the theater, the colonnades and porticos, the chapels and tombs of heroes of which fragments still remain. Hence among the ruins of all cities of antiquity, those of Sparta, though thoroughly explored, have proved the most disappointing

The two coexistent lines of Spartan kings were ever at variance, and as a rule served no good purpose, except that their dissensions secured the state from the despotism of a single monarch. In later times their powers were usurped by the ephors, though still possessing ample estates and held in reverence by the people as high-priests who offered sacrifice in their behalf. As representatives of the popular assembly, though itself of no a board of more importance than the agora of the heroic age, a board of five ephors elected annually, with functions resembling somewhat those of the Roman tribunes, became the dominant power in the land, ruling with absolute sway both in foreign and domestic affairs, holding courts of justice, and inflicting fines and imprisonment on all who incurred their displeasure, not excepting royalty itself.

There was a gerousia, or council of elders, the two sovereigns being included in the thirty members all of whom held office for life, though not eligible until sixty years of age. While an important factor in the government, it never attained to the political supremacy described in the glowing periods of Demosthenes, and certain it is that in common with the kings and ephors, its members were guilty of venality.

Of the three classes that formed the population of Laconia, the Spartans alone held office as fully qualified citizens. None of them could be termed wealthy as wealth is now computed; for it was beneath their dignity to engage in commerce, agriculture, or any form of handicraft. Yet they owned the greater portion of the lands, and cultivated by the Helots, who paid their rent in kind, these yielded sufficient for their needs. They were subject to the discipline established by Lycurgus, spending much of their time in military and athletic exercises, and contributing their quota to the public mess where all must take their frugal but sufficient meals. The famous black broth was the principal dish, and this was by no means so unpalatable as is commonly supposed, though of what it was made we know not. Bread cheese, fruits, and wine were also supplied, and sometimes there was a little meat or fish. In early youth the Spartans began training for the hardships of war, and thenceforth they belonged not to their families but to the state. To the drill of the hoplite were added privations and tests of fortitude which they must endure without symptom of pain. At the altar of Artemis they submitted to public scourgings which sometimes resulted in death but never in complaint; they walked barefoot over rocks and hills; they wore the same garment winter and summer, and their diet was of the scantiest; but this they might supplement by hunting or by stealing whatsoever came in their way, so they were not caught in the act.

A Spartan could not marry until the age of thirty, and for him there was no such thing as domestic life. He must still eat at the table of his comrades and sleep in barracks, his wife residing with her parents and visiting her husband only in the disguise of male attire. Damsels were also trained in bodily exercises, in running, wrestling, and boxing, the contests of either sex being witnessed by the other. At these contests youths were naked, and maidens nearly so, wearing only a thin tunic open at the skirts and exposing the limbs. Yet from this public intermingling of the sexes, unknown elsewhere in Greece no evil results ensued, and nowhere were purer, prouder, or more handsome women than those of Lacedaemon, their beauty and vigor of form arousing the jealousy of their Athenian sisters. As Aristotle would have us believe, they were more than a match for Lycurgus, to whose rigid discipline they refused to submit; but this probably refers to a later time when many became wealthy, maintaining costly establishments and holding large estates acquired by dower or bequest; for daughters were favored more than sons in the disposition of the family property, the latter passing their lifetime in the service of the state, which provided for all their wants.

While in earlier times the lands of Laconia were mainly in possession of the rich, it is extremely doubtful whether Lycurgus actually made the subdivision commonly ascribed to him, giving to the Spartans 9,000 equal lots and to the Perioikoi 30,000. Nor can we accept the statement that he banished from Sparta all gold and silver money, permitting only bars of iron to be used. As a fact it was not until the following generation that the first Greek coins were struck by Phidon of Argos, and as late as the time of the Peloponnesian war gold coins were almost unknown. While iron may have served for the simple wants of the Lacedaemonian, he was by no means averse to the precious metals in whatever form they came to him, be it even as a bribe.

Little is known of Athens before the time of Solon, when was given to the world a code of laws which after the lapse of twenty-five centuries is still regarded as one of the most perfect of legislative systems. The reign of Pisistratus, despot Athens, was in the main beneficial. He was a consummate statesman, and wealthy withal, deriving his revenues from the Thracian and Laurian mines. It was he who erected the temple of Pythian Apollo, and by him was founded the stupendous monument to Olympian Jove, completed centuries later, the columns which remain being among the A most striking of Grecian antiquities.

Passing over the administrations of his sons Hippias and the author of the Athenian Hipparchus, and also that of Clisthenes, the author of the Athenian democracy, we come to the time when Greece is called upon to measure her strength with the most powerful of Oriental monarchies. The subjugation of the Greek colonies in Asia Minor by Cyrus and his lieutenants was followed by the Ionic revolt, suppressed after a hard fought campaign and attended with the destruction or depopulation of many Hellenic settlements. It was the burning of Sardis by the Athenians and Eretrians under Aristagoras that especially roused the wrath of Darius causing him to swear vengeance on the invaders and the nation whence they came. "Who are these Athenians?" he asked, when shooting an arrow high in the air he called on the gods to aid him. He was soon to know who they were. If men and money could have achieved the conquest of Hellas, then surely Greece would have shared the fate of her Asiatic colonies, for the revenue of Darius, apart from that which was paid in kind, amounted to $23,000,000 in gold and silver, while his armies and navies could be multiplied almost at will.

The fleet of Mardonius, who was ordered to subjugate the country, was shattered by a storm with the loss of 300 ships and 20,000 men. Next came the battle of Marathon, where the Persian host met defeat at the hand of 10,000 Athenians and 1,000 Plataean allies. Notwithstanding their heroism it can hardly be doubted that, but for the death of Darius, the Greeks would have been finally brought under the Persian yoke. His reverses had served only to kindle his ire anew, to strengthen his resolve that the Athenians should be brought to his feet. All Asia and Egypt were his; their people, their wealth, and their resources; for three years satraps and sub-rulers were collecting troops, equipments, provisions, horses, and vessels of war and burthen for the mightiest expedition of ancient or modern times, and this he would lead in person. Fortunate it was for Hellas that at this juncture, when all his preparations were completed, the great king succumbed to a power greater than himself.

Of Xerxes, his son and successor it is related that he was a man of stately carriage, the tallest and most handsome figure amid all the as he was one of the vast host which later he led against the Greeks, most timid and faint-hearted. Four years he passed in completing the tremendous armament which in the autumn of 481 assembled at Sardis from every quarter of his empire. In the land-force alone were represented nearly fifty nationalities, and never before was such a heterogeneous multitude assembled on the face of the earth. There were swart Ethiopians from the upper Nile, their painted bodies attired in the skins of lions and panthers; there were Libyans armed only with staves; there were nomad tribes from central Asia, whose weapons were the dagger and lasso; there were also heavy-armed Medes and Persians, and of archers and cavalry an innumerable host. In the Hellespont were more than 1,200 triremes, with thousands of smaller vessels, and provisions were stored in huge magazines along the line of the intended march as far as the confines of Greece.

All the world knows the story of this famous expedition; how after his pitiful display at the bridging of the Hellespont, Xerxes built a ship canal through isthmus near Mount Athos, and then set forth from his Lydian capital amid the pomp of a royal procession. First came the baggage, carried by thousands of camels and other pack animals, followed by a solid mass of infantry, more than 500,000 in number. Next were 2,000 cavalry and spearmen, the choicest of Persian troops, the weapons of the latter with golden pomegranates reverse end. Ten sacred horses followed, richly caparisoned and gigantic build. Then behind the sacred car of Zeus came the chariot of Xerxes himself, drawn by Nissan steeds and surrounded with his mounted bodyguards, their spears tipped with golden apples. Other detachments of horse and foot were followed by the Immortals, whose spears were also decorated with ornaments of gold and silver. Ten thousand cavalry formed the rear guard of the first division, and then only half the array was in line, the remainder following in no special order, anamix or pell-mell, as Herodotus hath it.

On the road as the army passed was suspended on either side half the body of a victim slaughtered by order of Xerxes as a warning to his subjects. Among the wealthiest of these was an aged man named Pythius, a Phrygian, who at Celaenai had entertained the monarch with such lavish hospitality that he inquired the amount of his wealth. "Besides lands and slaves," was the reply, "I have 2,000 talents in silver and 3,993,000 golden darics, thus wanting only 7,000 to make me worth 4,000,000 darics in gold. All this, O king, I will present to thee, reserving only the lands and slaves, which will more than suffice for my wants." But Xerxes would not have it so, presenting to Pythius the 7,000 darics required to make up the even amount. Encouraged by this mark of favor the latter, whose five sons were in the Persian ranks, begged that the eldest might be exempt; for he it was on whom he leaned during his declining years. “Slave." exclaimed Xerxes, "dost thou dare to ask for thy son, when I myself, my sons and brothers, my relatives and friends are marching against the Greeks.

For thyself and thy four sons the hospitality thou hast shown me shall serve as protection; but for the one whom thou wouldst keep in safety, the forfeit of his life shall be the penalty." Thereupon he gave orders for his execution, and that his body be severed in twain.

On his way toward the Hellespont, Xerxes turned aside to Ilium, where, as is said, his host drank dry or rendered undrinkable the stream of Skamander, famed in Homeric verse. Ascending the sacred hill where had stood the palace of Priam, he sacrificed 1,000 oxen to Athena, while by Magian priests libations were offered to the memory of heroes and demi-gods. Then he passed on to Abydos, where two wide bridges made fast by cables and resting on vessels moored at anchor lay ready for the passage of his army. Here from a marble throne erected on a neighboring hill, he surveyed his multitudinous array drawn up on the seashore and innumerable as the sands that covered it, while far amid the waters of sea and strait extended the sails of his triremes.

As the first beams of the rising sun slanted athwart the channel of the Hellespont, orders were given for the army to cross, the Immortals, crowned with garlands, leading the way, and the remainder following under the spur of the lash. Yet an entire week was required for the passage, and that without a moment’s intermission by day or night. On reaching the Thracian plain of Doriscus, where the first muster was held, 1,700,000 foot passed through the pens erected to number them, like monster herds of cattle 10,000 at a time. There were also 80,000 horse, and of Libyan war-chariots a formidable array, while the crews of 1,200 triremes and 3,000 transports and smaller vessels swelled the total to more than 2,300,000, later increased to 2,640,000 before reaching the pass of Thermopylae. Themistocles was then at the head of affairs of Athens, “in whom the might of unassisted nature" as Thucydides remarks “was so strikingly exhibited.” At Thermopylae 300 Held for a time the 3,000,000 at bay, until, surrounded by a detachment which a traitor led by a secret pathway it remained only to sell their lives as dearly as possible. Then Salamis and afterward Plataea; and then the Persians returned whence they came. At Plataea much spoil was gathered; more probably than had fallen into the hands of the Greeks during the entire campaign. First were the silver-footed throne of Xerxes and the scimitar of Mardonius which the Athenians received as trophies to adorn their Acropolis.

Then the remainder were collected for division among the several contingents, a liberal portion being first reserved for the gods—the Olympian Zeus, the Delphian Apollo, and the Isthmian Poseidon. There were golden darics, golden plate, and golden ornaments; there were horses richly caparisoned and armor of costly workmanship; there were the finest of carpets and vestments, with other tokens of oriental luxury, not forgetting the concubines of Persian chiefs.

Up to this time Sparta had been regarded as the head of the Hellenic confederacy; but the heroism displayed during the Persian war, the sufferings patiently borne in the common cause had won for Athens the respect and sympathy of Greece. Returning to the site of their former homes the Athenians began to rebuild the city destroyed by the Persians on a much larger scale, men and women working day and night until the work was so far advanced that no hostile power could prevent its completion. The harbors of Piraeus and Munychia were improved and fortified, a wall 60 feet high and 15 in width securing the fleet from attack. Some twenty years afterward were begun, by the advice of Pericles, the long walls connecting Athens with her ports at Piraeus and Phalerum, a third being later added, while Cimon, returning with the spoils of a campaign against the Persians, built south of the Acropolis the most solid of Athenian ramparts. Then came other conflicts, as between Corinth and Corcyra, followed by the long struggle of the Peloponnesian war.

Turning to the age of Pericles, to whom Athens owed the most famous of its classic temples, let us see how the capital appeared at the zenith of its power and fame. Situated amid the central plain of Attica, which on three sides was enclosed by mountain walls and on the fourth protected by the sea, the city was four and a half miles from its principal port at the Piraeus, itself laid out as a town and with the largest arsenal and dockyard in Greece. The Acropolis, a precipitous rock 150 feet high, and at its summit with a series of terraces several acres in extent is, the center of the new metropolis, at once the site of its temples, its fortress and museum, around which the walls extend for 60 stadia in irregular circuit, but firmly and solidly on which latter hill the built. To the west and southwest are the Areopogus and Pnyx, citizens meet, and not far away is a fourth hill known as the Museum. On the east and west are two small streams, the Ilissus and Cephissus, the waters of both diminished by irrigating channels and by the summer heats. The thoroughfares are narrow and tortuous, houses of wood or unburnt brick, all of a single story, presenting to the streets a bare and windowless curtain wall. There are neither pavements nor sidewalks worthy of the name; the drainage is bad, the atmosphere is poisoned by heaps of refuse, and the sanitary conditions are no better than when early in the Peloponnesian war the plague destroyed one-third of the population. Later, during the Macedonian period, more handsome residences appeared; but there were never at Athens such palaces as those of Babylon and Nineveh, of Susa and Persepolis. It was on their temples and public buildings that the citizens expended their means, and these were in truth magnificent.

Entering the city on a bright summer morning and passing onward to the Acropolis, we might find ourselves in the midst of a magnificent procession, celebrating let us say the festival of the Panathenaea, instituted during the reign of Cecrops. There are youths and maidens, minstrels and flute-players, magistrates and priests with victims for the sacrifice, followed by the beauty and chivalry of Athens in chariots or on prancing steeds. In front is borne aloft the sacred peplos or curtain, richly embroidered with figures representing the exploits of the battlefield of heroes, gods, and demi-gods. This is intended for the temple of Athena Polias, whose statue it will presently adorn. But the Parthenon is the objective point of the Panathenaic festival, and its frieze, 520 feet in length, is filled with sculptured figures in low relief representing the national celebration.

Of the Parthenon, the greatest of all the great masterpieces of Athenian architecture, it may first be mentioned that it was never intended as a temple of worship, but rather as a storehouse for the treasures of the virgin goddess, the invincible goddess of war. In the pronaos were preserved the sacred vessels of silver and gold; in the cella, 100 Attic feet in length and called the hecatompedon, were the golden chaplets presented to victors in the Panathenaic contests, and in the adytum were the silver bowls and other utensils used at the festival. But the largest store of treasure thus far collected in Athens or in Greece was in the Opisthodomus, in rear of the cella; for here had been removed, as I have said, from Delos the accumulated treasure of the allies, equal in purchasing power to d more than $100,000,000 as money is now computed.

On the highest point of the Acropolis, on the site of a former temple destroyed by the Persians, was erected from the design of Ictinus this monument of Athenian art. It was of white Pentelic marble, resting on a limestone formation, and in the purest style of the Doric order, 230 feet in length, 100 in breadth, and 66 in height.

On the metopes between the Doric triglyphs in the frieze of the entablature were sculptured figures in high relief, representing the mythology of Attica. On the western pediment was portrayed the combat between Athena and Poseidon, and on the eastern side were the choicest of all the magnificent groups which formed the glory of the Parthenon. Of these only fragments remain; for the best were destroyed by Christian iconoclasts in converting the temple into a church. Among them were the world-famous torso known as the Theseus, the seated figures of the Parcae, and the noble head of the coal-black steed yoked to the car of Night, with others relating to the birth of Athena, as she sprang full-panoplied from the cranium of Jove.

In the adytum, where was the Parthenon proper, stood a chryselephantine statue of the goddess executed by Phidias, and second only to his statue of Jove at Olympia. Including the pedestal it was nearly 40 feet high, and represented Athena as standing erect attired in golden robes, her shield resting on the ground, a spear in her left hand and in her right a figure of Victory. Gold to the value of 45 talents, or more than $50,000, was contained in this work, and was so adjusted that it could be removed at pleasure. Opposite the Propylaea was a colossal bronze statue of Athena Promachos, 70 feet high, the tip of the spear and the crest of the helmet rising far above the roof of the Parthenon, and serving as a landmark for vessels approaching the port.

The Erectheium, devoted to the worship of Poseidon and Athena Polias, was the most sacred of all Athenian sanctuaries. It was of the Ionic order, its slender pillars confronting the massive Doric columns of the Parthenon near the northern wall of the Acropolis. In the eastern chamber was an ancient statue of Athena, before which night and day burned a golden lamp. Here was the abode of the sacred serpent, the guardian of the Acropolis; here was the throne from which Xerxes witnessed his defeat at Salamis, and here the sword of Mardonius, who fell at Plataea. In another chamber was the sacred olive sprung miraculously from the soil, and from which, as was believed, came the olive groves which formed one of the most valuable products of Attica.

Crowning the brow of the hill, and covering its entire western front, was a structure of Pentelic marble 170 feet in length. This was the Propylaea or vestibule of the citadel, erected at a cost of 2,000 talents, or $2,300,000. In the center was a portico 58 feet wide, with fluted columns of the Doric order, each of the wings forming a Doric temple, their antae fringed with an azure embroidery of ivy leaf, while the architectural moldings were resplendent with tints of red and blue. In front of the southern wing was the small Ionic temple of Nike Apteros, erected by Cimon with the proceeds of Persian spoils. As late as 1676 the original structure was almost intact, but was a few years afterward destroyed by the Turks and its fragments used for the erection of a battery. Of these sufficient were recovered to reproduce in outline one of the most graceful of Athenian fanes.

Such were the most famous architectural monuments of the Acropolis, no longer used as a residence quarter for Athenian nobles, but appropriated to the temples of its gods, and serving also as a museum in which were stored the choicest productions of sculptors and painters. In the city itself were other monuments, several of them erected by Pericles or Cimon, as the Theseum, now serving as a museum a of antiquities, and the Stoa Poikile where Zeno's disciples met a colonnade running parallel with the Agora and backed by a wall lined with paneled paintings. The Agora, or market place, where was the center of civic and commercial life, owed many of its structural and decorative features to the Pisistratids, among them the altar of the twelve gods, the Stoa Basileius where the archon presided, and the Bouleuterium, founded as was said by Theseus, where public benefactors dined at the public expense. Later were many additions and improvements Cimon for instance building several porticos, while his brother-in-law was equally liberal in the disposal of his private fortune. Adjacent to the Agora was the suburb of the outer Ceramicus, where was the burial place for citizens entitled to funeral honors. Thence beyond the wall a road lined with monuments to those who had fallen in battle led to the Academy, where Plato lived and taught and died, its grounds laid out in shaded walks and groves richly adorned with statuary.

On an eminence south of the Parthenon and near the bank of the Ilissus was founded by Pisistratus the great temple of Olympian Jove, completed more than six centuries later by the emperor Hadrian.

On the metopes between the Doric triglyphs in the frieze of the entablature were sculptured figures in high relief, representing the mythology of Attica. On the western pediment was portrayed the combat between Athena and Poseidon, and on the eastern side were the choicest of all the magnificent groups which formed the glory of the Parthenon. Of these only fragments remain; for the best were destroyed by Christian iconoclasts in converting the temple into a church. Among them were the world-famous torso known as the Theseus, the seated figures of the Parcae, and the noble head of the coal-black steed yoked to the car of Night, with others relating to the birth of Athena, as she sprang full-panoplied from the cranium of Jove.

In the adytum, where was the Parthenon proper, stood a chryselephantine statue of the goddess executed by Phidias, and second only to his statue of Jove at Olympia. Including the pedestal it was nearly 40 feet high, and represented Athena as standing erect attired in golden robes, her shield resting on the ground, a spear in her left hand and in her right a figure of Victory. Gold to the value of 45 talents, or more than $50,000, was contained in this work, and was so adjusted that it could be removed at pleasure. Opposite the Propylaea was a colossal bronze statue of Athena Promachos, 70 feet high, the tip of the spear and the crest of the helmet rising far above the roof of the Parthenon, and serving as a landmark for vessels approaching the port.

The Erectheium, devoted to the worship of Poseidon and Athena Polias, was the most sacred of all Athenian sanctuaries. It was of the Ionic order, its slender pillars confronting the massive Doric columns of the Parthenon near the northern wall of the Acropolis. In the eastern chamber was an ancient statue of Athena, before which night and day burned a golden lamp. Here was the abode of the sacred serpent, the guardian of the Acropolis; here was the throne from which Xerxes witnessed his defeat at Salamis, and here the sword of Mardonius, who fell at Plataea. In another chamber was the sacred olive sprung miraculously from the soil, and from which, as was believed, came the olive groves which formed one of the most valuable products of Attica.

Crowning the brow of the hill, and covering its entire western front, was a structure of Pentelic marble 170 feet in length. This was the Propylaea or vestibule of the citadel, erected at a cost of 2,000 talents, or $2,300,000. In the center was a portico 58 feet wide, with fluted columns of the Doric order, each of the wings forming a Doric temple, their antae fringed with an azure embroidery of ivy leaf, while the architectural moldings were resplendent with tints of red and blue. In front of the southern wing was the small Ionic temple of Nike Apteros, erected by Cimon with the proceeds of Persian spoils. As late as 1676 the original structure was almost intact, but was a few years afterward destroyed by the Turks and its fragments used for the erection of a battery. Of these sufficient were recovered to reproduce in outline one of the most graceful of Athenian fanes.

Such were the most famous architectural monuments of the Acropolis, no longer used as a residence quarter for Athenian nobles, but appropriated to the temples of its gods, and serving also as a museum in which were stored the choicest productions of sculptors and painters. In the city itself were other monuments, several of them erected by Pericles or Cimon, as the Theseum, now serving as a museum a of antiquities, and the Stoa Poikile where Zeno's disciples met a colonnade running parallel with the Agora and backed by a wall lined with paneled paintings. The Agora, or market place, where was the center of civic and commercial life, owed many of its structural and decorative features to the Pisistratids, among them the altar of the twelve gods, the Stoa Basileius where the archon presided, and the Bouleuterium, founded as was said by Theseus, where public benefactors dined at the public expense. Later were many additions and improvements Cimon for instance building several porticos, while his brother-in-law was equally liberal in the disposal of his private fortune. Adjacent to the Agora was the suburb of the outer Ceramicus, where was the burial place for citizens entitled to funeral honors. Thence beyond the wall a road lined with monuments to those who had fallen in battle led to the Academy, where Plato lived and taught and died, its grounds laid out in shaded walks and groves richly adorned with statuary.

On an eminence south of the Parthenon and near the bank of the Ilissus was founded by

The interior was in three compartments divided by double rows of Corinthian columns, over the architraves of which were later hung gold or gilded bucklers, a contribution from Mummius after the sack of Corinth. In the statue of Jove, 40, or as some have it 60, feet in height, the combination of gold, flesh-tinted ivory, and precious stones was dazzling in effect, as though its surface were covered with electric fluid. Hence the impression that Jove himself lived in his statue and kindled it with his lightning. On the feet of the throne were dancing figures of Victory, and on the front feet Apollo and Diana were transfixing the children of Niobe.

Not far away was the Lyceum building, also founded by Pisistratus and probably completed by Pericles; adjoining it was the Gymnasium, the favorite haunt of Aristotle and the original home of the Peripatetic school of philosophy. Of the Areopagus and Pnyx I have already spoken, the former being named after the tradition that here, before the assembled gods, Ares was brought to trial by Poseidon for the murder of his son. It was on this hill of Mars that the senate met in earlier days and that the members of its court administered justice in the open air, two blocks of limestone still in existence corresponding with those described by Euripides as occupied by the accuser and accused.

Dramatic performances were held at Athens from time immemorial in wooden theatres or on platforms loosely constructed for the purpose. It was the collapse of one of these structures, about the year 500 BC, that led to the erection of a marble building with tiers of rock-hewn seats, on the south-eastern slope of the Acropolis, a site later occupied by the Dionysiac theater. The latter was not completed until 337: and as restored several centuries later was a mammoth edifice, with stage of solid masonry and rows of marble thrones for those whom the nation honored. It was roofless, though probably covered with an awning, and from the upper tiers was a view of the sea and of the hills of “sea-born Salamis." Nearby was the Odeon, used chiefly for rehearsals and as a refuge for the audience in rainy weather, though protected only by a conical roof of canvas, its original canopy, as was said, being fashioned from the tent of Xerxes, captured at PIataea.

The Greeks had a passion for the drama, and especially their women, who loved nothing better than to sit in the Dionysiac theater from early morn till set of sun, listening to a succession of tragedies. Household duties were light in Athens, and in the homes of the wealthy were performed by slaves, leaving the mistress with much time on her hands. Moreover there was only one meal to cook, and that was the dinner or supper, served about an hour before sundown; breakfast, taken only by women and children, consisting of a piece of dry bread, with perhaps a bunch of grapes or figs. The occupation of men was almost restricted to their civic duties; for to engage in any useful calling was beyond the dignity of an Athenian. Their idle hours, of which they had many, were passed in the Agora or other public places, where politics and not drachmas were the usual theme of conversation.

In the earlier tragedy of the Greeks there was nothing mournful, the word merely signifying “the goat- song" which followed the offering of a goat to Dionysus at the celebration of his festivals. In the comedy, "village song,” a similar hymn was used as the occasion for merriment, jest, and jibe, often at the expense of the spectators. Thus at first there was little difference between tragedy and comedy, a chorus of rustics disguised as satyrs, and at the vintage festivals often as drunken as satyrs, being the only performers. Presently one of them assumed the role of Dionysus or of his messenger, reciting the adventures of the god interspersed with choral responses. Then between the leader of the chorus and an actor selected from its members a dialogue was introduced, the latter appearing in various characters and thus giving to the performance a dramatic interest. This change is commonly ascribed to Thespis, whose first representation was given in 535, during the reign of Pisistratus.

Both plot and story were selected from Creek mythology, almost to the exclusion of recent or contemporary events, Phrynichus, whose plays were acted a few years later, being fined 1,000 drachmas for introducing a tragedy which described the capture of Miletus and the massacre of its inhabitants, moving his audience to tears and causing his subject to be denounced as ill-chosen.

Such was the stage when Aeschylus appeared, his magnificent tragedies rendered in small wooden theaters corresponding to the barns of Shakespeare’s time; for as yet only the foundations of the Dionysiac theater were above ground. As Homer was the father of Epic poetry, so Aeschylus was the real founder of the Attic drama. First among his improvements was the introduction of a second actor and the subordination of the chorus to the dialogue, which now became the leading feature in the performance. Costumes were enriched; new masques were invented; the choral dances were improved; the stature of the actor was increased by the use of cothurni, or thickly soled buskins, and for the first time painted scenery appeared upon the stage, prepared with artistic skill and due regard to perspective. Thus, and he it was who endowed with besides being a dramatist, Aeschylus was somewhat of a stage manager; dramatic art what was before but the rudest form of the drama. By Sophocles, at first his rival and then his rather successor, a third actor was introduced; the choral parts were curtailed, and the chorus itself became rather a judge or commentator than a factor in the evolution of the play. By Euripides other changes were made, but not for the better, the choruses becoming feeble under his treatment, while in his prologues the entire plot with all that led up to it was laid before the spectator.

The great masters of the drama were the most prolific writers, Aeschylus being accredited with 70 tragedies, Sophocles with 113, and Euripides 92. Of these, fortunately perhaps for our college students, only a few of each remain; yet they are sufficient to make us fully acquainted with the genius of their authors. Aeschylus had fought at Marathon, at Artemisium, Salamis, and Plataea. Gods, demi-gods, and heroes are his theme, and these he portrays with Homeric grandeur of diction and with all the fervor of Hellenic patriotism, quickened by the experience of one who was famed as a soldier before he became famous as a poet. In sublimity of style, though bordering at times on the turgid, in the gorgeous imagery in which he depicts the superhuman and the irresistible march of fate, he has no superior, while even in his loftiest conceptions is a vein of speculative thought, striving to explain the contests between deities supernal and those who inhabit the underworld. Sophocles made his public appearance at the celebration which followed the battle of Salamis, when naked and with lyre in hand he led the chorus which danced and sang around the trophies of victory. He was then a youth of sixteen, and thereafter we hear little about him until many years later he wrested from Aeschylus the tragic prize awarded by Cimon and his colleagues. In grandeur of style and conception inferior to Aeschylus, his works had more of ideal beauty, and with their perfect delineations of character and plot, gave to Greek tragedy the highest development of which it was capable. In the plays of Euripides is a transition from purely classic to romantic drama, his subjects pertaining rather to scenes of everyday life than to myths and traditions; for the spirit of skepticism was abroad and is reflected in his dramas, where is much philosophical disquisition, often spiritless and out of place. There is present none of the magnificent word-painting of Aeschylus and Sophocles; his dialogues are feeble and garrulous, and his choruses lacking in dignity, their sayings filled with the stalest of truisms and lachrymose complaints. Yet there is much of pathos and sympathy in his writings, giving them more of human interest and bringing them nearer to the modern world than those of his predecessors.

Aristophanes was the acknowledged master of comedy; for though only one in a long succession of comic dramatists, there were none who had the boldness of his stroke, the richness of his expression, and the exquisite play of his humor and fancy. While dealing mainly with political characters, his satires were directed against all classes of citizens; even women fell under his lash, and gods and institutions were attacked with unsparing license. Cleon was a favorite mark for his shafts, from which even Pericles did not escape; Socrates he covered with abuse, and Euripides served as the butt of his ridicule. Probably no man in Athens held so much power as Aristophanes; for the thousands who had laughed at his sarcasms in the theater of Dionysus might be required to pass sentence in the popular assembly on those whom he had denounced .

The choicest productions of Attic literature center around the age of Pericles, and as with Rome in the Augustan era, or with England in the Elizabethan period, were given to the world within less than half a century. Yet before this time were many famous names as those of Homer and Hesiod, of Sappho and Aleaeus, of Simonides and Pindar, from whom epic, elegiac, and lyric verse received their highest development. Simonides, a native of Ceos, where the god of song was chiefly worshipped, belonged to a family of poets, and except by Pindar, who appears to have been jealous of his fame, was honored as the poet laureate of Greece. He lived with his friends, or rather upon his friends, whose praises he sang for money, while by his greater works, as those on the heroes of Marathon and Thermopylae statesmen, he secured for himself an ample fortune.

Kings and princes, and warriors were among his admirers; for with all his failings he was assuredly one of the greatest masters of the age, and by none have been better illustrated his own saying that "poetry is vocal painting, as painting is silent poetry.” He was, moreover, a man of the world, one who thoroughly appreciated the good things that the world had to give. "Let us seek after pleasure," he said; "for all things come to one dread Charybdis, both great virtues and wealth." At the court of Hiero in Syracuse, where his days were ended, he was asked by the queen whether riches or genius were the greater gift. "Riches," he replied, "for genius always attends at the gates of the wealthy."

Poetry had reached its highest development before prose literature in its proper sense began to exist, the former embodying nearly all that the nation possessed of oratory, history, and philosophy. For a century at least before the time of Herodotus, who saw the Attic drama at its best, there had been writers of prose; but these were for the most part merely compilers of myths and genealogies, though some wrote descriptions of foreign lands and there were a few historic and philosophical treatises. Between the two greatest of Greek historians, Herodotus and Thucydides, there is nothing in common either as to style or treatment, and though contemporaries, they write as men who had lived many ages apart. The one is an historical artist and the other an historical thinker, Herodotus inclining to historic romance, in which is a large intermixture of mythology, while his account of the war with Persia and his descriptions of the countries in which he traveled—the latter the most interesting portion of his narrative—are filled with exaggerations.

Yet his story has a certain epic unity, a largeness of conception, and a method entirely his own.

Thucydides, whose theme was the Peloponnesian war, undertook his task because, as he said, it was possible for him to record with accuracy the greatest events in the collective annals of his country, events which had happened during his own lifetime and of which he could judge impartially. It was to him almost a life work and altogether a labor of love, one to which he could devote all his time and powers; for he was a wealthy man, inheriting from his father valuable gold mines on the Thracian coast. Its descriptive power, its critical acumen, its grasp and mastery of the situation, and above all the strict impartiality with which is portrayed the Great War in which his own countrymen were the leading participants, make of this work what its author claims, “a possession forever.” Its style, though at times obscure, is wonderfully condensed, and not even Tacitus or Bacon could say so much in so few words. Take, for instance, his description of the plague at Athens, from which he was himself a sufferer; in all literature there is no more impressive or tragic episode, and none which told with such brevity and simplicity. Xenophon in his Hellenica takes up the annals of his country where Thucydides left them at the time of his death; but though a clear and vigorous writer, his works are of no great historic value.

With the Athenians oratory ranked among the fine arts, and as such was studied by all who aspired to office. Antiphon was the leading representative of the older school, whose style was grave and dignified, Lysias possessing more of ease and grace, while Isocrates, who had many imitators, appealed rather to the reader than to the hearer. As to Demosthenes there can be but one opinion; that he excelled all others in power of expression and versatility of theme. By his rivals and detractors he was accused of posing for effect; but while doubtless studying effect he was also a natural orator. No one had at such perfect command the rich resources of the Attic language, and in him it has been said that all the best elements of Athenian literature were combined. Hyperides, second to the great master and second only, was perhaps his superior in wit and pathos, while Aeschines was ranked above either by those who preferred theatrical display to the true ring of oratory.

Thales of Miletus was the first of a long line of Greek philosophers, and the founder of the Ionic school, giving to his countrymen an elementary knowledge of geometry and astronomy. To his successor, Anaximander, is ascribed the introduction of the sundial, and one of the first maps or charts as an accompaniment to a geographical treatise which was among the earliest of prose compositions. Anaxagoras of Clazomenae, the most famous of the school, divided among his relatives the large inheritance bequeathed by his father, and removing to Athens, gave himself to the study and teaching of philosophy. Rejecting the doctrines of his predecessors, who attributed the origin of all things to some elementary form of matter, he believed that a supreme intelligence, apart from the visible world, had given order and system to nature's forces. Among his admirers were such men as Pericles and Euripides; but he was accused of impiety, and only through the pleading of the former was sentence of death changed into fine and banishment. Of the life of Pythagoras about all we know is that his father was a wealthy merchant and that he travelled much. Even of his views, except as to the transmigration of souls, our knowledge is extremely limited; for he wrote nothing, though to many writings his name was forged, and it is almost impossible to distinguish between his doctrines and those of his successors. Most of his disciples were rich, forming themselves into a secret society bound by a sacred vow, and from Croton in Italy where his later years were passed his doctrines spread rapidly throughout the Hellenic world.

As with Anaxagoras, whose views in part he accepted Socrates left his doctrines for others to record, and like him was condemned for impiety, sharing the fate of other great reformers before and since he was rather an educator than marks in his Apology, a philosopher, one whose mission it was "to rouse, persuade, and rebuke;” and this he made his life work, passing his time in converse with men of all ages and conditions, in the Agora at its most crowded hours, in the public walks the gymnasia, and the schools. While termed a sophist, he was never so called by his friends; for the title, though applied in former ages to Homer and Hesiod, and even to the seven sages, had fallen into disrepute. His message was to all, though variously received, and by many with indifference or irritation; for it was not with ignorance that he contended, but with "ignorance mistaking itself for knowledge;" and minds so involved he handled unmercifully, unmasking without compunction their “false conceit of wisdom."

"No one," exclaimed Alcibiades, at the symposium which Plato describes, "would suppose that I had any shame in me; but I am ashamed in the presence of Socrates." No man in Athens was better known, and except by those to whom he was a counselor and friend, perhaps no man was more disliked. Yet even among the wealthy and noble he did not want for friends, though he never courted their acquaintance. "To want nothing,” he said, "is divine, and to want as little as possible is the nearest approach to divinity." As for himself he knew neither luxury nor comfort; his diet was of the poorest; he walked the streets barefooted, and wore the same garments winter and summer. Nevertheless he was not averse to social pleasures, and at festal gatherings could drink more wine than any of the guests without feeling its effects. To refrain from harmless gratifications through fear of indulging to excess, betokened, as he thought, a lack of self-control, and his power of will was as absolute as his power of endurance was unyielding. After the lapse of twenty-three centuries, his life, his sayings, and his methods, as described by Plato and Xenophon, are still considered as among the richest treasures of Attic literature.

Xenophon, not Plato, was the Boswell of Socrates; for in the dialogues of the latter, who has been termed “the father of idealism,” are much more than a record of the doctrines of Socrates, with his own comments thereon. Here is reflected the intellectual life of Athens in its highest form of development, with all its freedom, urbanity, and warmth. Though Socrates is the central figure, many others are introduced into these Platonic groupings amid the classic groves of the Academy, many whose names were already historic, but are used only as in momentary converse with the great teacher and inspired by his electric touch.

Pervading all the works of Plato, the most fruitful of philosophical writers, is his zeal for human improvement, his faith in the supremacy of reason and truth, than which, as he believes, the gods have no greater good to bestow. "All philosophic truth,” says Ferrier, "is Plato rightly interpreted; all philosophic error is Plato misunderstood.”

Of the doctrines of the Cynics and other offshoots of the Socratic school little is known except that they were far astray from those of the great master. Themselves the most despicable of men, the Cynics had the utmost contempt for all who were not of their order, and of the intensity of their scorn, and the insolence with which it was expressed, the well-known reply of Diogenes to Alexander the Great is perhaps but a mild example. Later their maxim of living strictly according to nature degenerated into the brutal sensualism and dog-like habits which probably gave to them their name.

The teachings of Aristotle would have been more influential if he had lived during the creative period of Hellenic literature; for it was largely his task to set in order what others had discovered in the field of philosophic investigation. Nevertheless he had many disciples in the shaded walks of the Lyceum, where his lectures were delivered and most of his works composed. Of all ancient systems of philosophy, his was best adapted to the practical needs of mankind, and hence the later popularity of the Peripatetic school, whose works, especially those of its founder, are still regarded as among the ripest fruits of intellectual research. On nearly all branches of human knowledge he left the imprint of his genius, while as to the art of logic the writings of more than two millenniums have added little of value to the methods which Aristotle taught.

Among the dramatis personae in Plato’s Parmenides is Zeno, founder of the Stoic school, whom he describes as "a man of about forty, tall and personable." While somewhat astray in his chronology, Plato’s account of the Zenonian dogmas and paradoxes is doubtless worthy of credit. The latter are full of inconsistencies and absurdities, especially those which would disprove the existence of plurality and motion, attributing all things to the immutable One which, alone is existent. "If all that is is in space," he says "then, space itself must be in space", and so on ad infinitum. Yet, if his teachings contain little of value, they are those of an honest thinker, searching in new fields of thought, though with indifferent success. The temperance and self-denial, the gravity and decorum characteristic of his school recommended its doctrines to the Romans, the emperor Marcus Aurelius being one of the leading exponents of Stoic philosophy.

Of the teachings of Epicurus, whose works have perished, nearly all that have come down to us are embodied in the poem of Lucretius De Rerun Natura. "Steer clear of all culture" was his advice, and this he put into practice, priding himself that he was the only self-taught founder of a philosophical sect. In physics, while accepting the atomic theory of the Pythagoreans, he ascribed all the striking phenomena of nature to natural causes; not denying the existence of the gods, but merely their interference with the affairs of this world. Thus after giving his own version as to the cause of thunder and lightning, "these," he says, "may be explained in many other ways; but let us have no myths of divine action." Rejecting the fatalism of the Stoics and the purely intellectual training advocated by Plato and Aristotle, he believed that this life was the only one; that since there were neither hopes nor terrors as to a future world, pleasure should be the chief aim of existence. But in pleasure, as he defined it, there was nothing of excitement or sensual degradation. To him it was not an affair of moments but a habit of the mind, an enduring and all-pervading tranquility, coupled with the faculty of balancing against the sense of enjoyment the evils that might ensue. "We cannot live happily without living wisely," and the power so to live was to him more precious than all the teachings of philosophy. Not only in Greece, but in Asia and Egypt, Epicurus had crowds of followers, far outnumbering the adherents of other sects; his disciples were of both sexes, and while the relations between them may not have been entirely Platonic, nothing could be further from the truth than the stories of debauchery and licentiousness circulated by his rivals. Purchasing for 80 minae, or $1,500, a garden almost in the heart of Athens, he became the leader of a community such as had never before existed in the ancient world. Their mode of life was simple, even to austerity; barley bread was their principal food, and water their drink, though the use of wine was not forbidden. "Send me," he writes to a friend, "some Cynthian cheese, that I may prepare for my guests a sumptuous feast." All his property, which appears to have been considerable, he left to the society of the garden and to certain of its youthful members.

Of what may be termed the literature of the decadence, from the time when Philip of Macedon gave the death blow to Greek independence. Alexandria became the center during the reign of the earlier Ptolemies. Of its library and museum I have already spoken in connection with the wealth and refinement of the former capital of Egypt, its schools being characterized rather by research than originality, though among many able scholars were not a few who attained to eminence. After the Roman conquest, when "Greece led captive her rough conqueror." Rome gradually became the center of learning, and by men of culture to speak and write in Greek was considered a necessary accomplishment. The works of the classic masters were eagerly collected; learning and letters found encouragement, and all branches of Hellenic lore were cultivated.

Beginning with the age of Sulla, Greek libraries were founded in Rome; Augustus, Tiberius, and the later emperors contributing largely to the treasures of the great library planned by Julius Caesar.

Polybius was the Thucydides of the Graeco Roman period, and the last whose works display the simple elegance of the classic writers, contrasting sharply with the florid rhetoric of his time. The Universal Dictionary of Diodoros Siculus is a valuable compilation; but in all the literature of the empire, coextensive with the empire itself, only two names have risen above the dead level of mediocrity, and these are Lucian and Plutarch, the dialogues of the former and the biographies of the latter still retaining a worldwide popularity. Yet this was the most prolific period of Greek literature, if such it can be called. The store of materials was enormous, embracing all branches of learning, and on these an army of critics and commentators, compilers and plagiarists labored with untiring industry. Their productions were well rewarded, for when politics was no longer the pathway to fame and riches, literature became the chief resource for educated men. But among them was neither originality nor purity of style, their tricks and turns of language forming but a sorry substitute for the beauty and grandeur of the great masters whom they attempted to imitate. Doubtless they were learned men in their way; but one thing they were incapable of learning—that they did not know how to write. Of Byzantine and of modern Greek authors no mention need here be made; for with the corruption of the language during the earlier Christian era, and the edict of Justinian closing the schools of philosophy, the classic literature of Greece was dead.

Of Grecian architecture and sculpture I have already briefly spoken; and here we cannot stop to trace their various stages of growth, from the wooden temples and rude wooden images of the gods to the glories of the Acropolis and the wonders which Phidias wrought in ivory and gold. As in the tragedies of Aeschylus and Sophocles the drama reached the highest form of development of which it was capable, so art could find no higher form of expression than in the statuary of Phidias and Praxiteles. Painting belongs to a later period; for in the embellishment of their temples the earlier Greeks had no use for pictorial art. By Homer it is not mentioned, though he has many descriptions of raiment interwoven with figures. Apart from the coloring of statues and columns, the most ancient specimens that have come down to us are found on Corinthian vases belonging to the earlier portion of the sixth century, about which time we begin to hear something of the schools of Asia Minor, where the Greeks had many colonies. One of the earliest paintings, and doubtless one of the rudest, was executed for Mandrocles, who built for Darius the bridge which spanned the Bosphorus, and portrays the monarch seated on his throne while his army passes in review. In Athens the first limner of repute was Polygnotus, a contemporary of Phidias, his chief work being the decoration of temples and other public buildings. While merely a representation of statuesque figures on a flat surface, his depictions show many improvements over those of his predecessors, especially in the delineation of female figures and drapery.

Apollodorus was the first to introduce the effects of light and shade which Zeuxis used to such advantage. For his Helen, the most famous of his paintings, executed for a temple in Croton, five of the most beautiful maidens of that city were selected as models, so that from their graces and attractions he might create a figure of ideal beauty. Kings and nobles were among his patrons, and for an artist he became exceedingly rich, giving away his pictures but refusing to sell them; for as he said they were above all price. Though his fame appears to have turned his head, we need not accept the story that he appeared at Olympia in robes on which his name was woven in letters of gold, a more probable version being that he presented to its temple a tapestry with the usual inscriptions in golden letters. Parrhasius, the victor in the well-known contest with Apelles was also one of the vainest of men, claiming descent from Apollo, styling himself prince, and arraying his form in purple robes, with the scepter and crown of a king.

Yet if he had more than his share of the proverbial vanity of artists, he belonged unquestionably to the foremost rank the outline of his figures standing forth clearly from the foreground, as in that of Theseus which later adorned the Roman capital, causing his works to be widely imitated by students of later schools. Apelles, court painter to Philip of Macedon and Alexander the Great, accompanied the latter in his expedition to Asia, settling at Ephesus where was his later home. For his Aphrodite Anaduomene it is said that he took for his model the courtesan Phryne whom he had seen at Eleusis in the costume of the bath. As Aelian relates, he painted the figure of a horse so true to life that the animal which served as his model neighed in its direction; whereupon he rebuked Alexander who was criticizing the picture, by declaring that the brute knew more of art than the king. To Apelles is attributed by Pliny the saying which has passed into a proverb; ne sutor ultra crepidam, the words being addressed to a cobbler who found fault with the painting of a boot. To the lifetime of Zeuxis and Parrhasius belong some of the finest pinakia or vase- paintings of the Greeks, those which have been preserved showing in their freedom and facility of drawing the influence of the great masters on the lower grades of art.

In Athens, in Corinth, Ephesus, other art centers the sculptor and painter worked not only for their patrons but for their fellow-citizens, by whom as they knew their efforts would be judged. Success depended not on the decision of connoisseurs but on the verdict of thousands of persons all more or less qualified to form an opinion for themselves. And so it was with literature in all its branches, with music and the drama. Never, perhaps, before or since, was there a more highly educated community than the Athenians of the days of Pericles and his successors, while their commonwealth was still independent and in the full vigor of national life. In boyhood the children of the wealthy, with their physical powers carefully developed, were trained in all the accomplishments of the age, in music, in singing as members of a chorus, and in declaiming with propriety of accent and gesture passages selected from the choicest productions of orators and poets. Then came what may be termed their university course, the student attending the Academy, the Lyceum, or other institutions where were lectures on philosophy, science, and rhetoric. On reaching manhood he had no duties except those which pertained to all Athenian citizens as members of the body politic. His time was his own, and his morning hours were usually passed in the Agora, where was the center of political as well of business activity. Then in the law courts or the senate chamber he might listen to the pleadings of his favorite orators, or in the temples of the Acropolis study the architecture of Ictinus and the statuary of Phidias, ending his day at the theater, where he would be in time for the last tragedy in one of the trilogies of Aeschylus.

In all places of public resort the sense of civic duties and privileges was quickened, the entire training and environment of the man being in relation to his citizenship; so that it is difficult for us to realize the intensity of patriotism and affection with which the Athenian regarded his capital. In this, the highest social organization in the world, most of the citizens were familiar with the masterpieces of literature and art, and like the authors or artists themselves had taken part in many of the scenes which they described. Aeschylus had fought in all the great battles with the Persians; Thucydides had commanded a fleet during the war of which he was the historian; Sophocles had served in the ranks at Potidae, Delium, and Amphipolis, in the first of these battles saving the life of his pupil Xenophon, a central figure in the expedition which he describes. Ictinus, Phidias, and Praxiteles embodied in marble and bronze, in ivory and gold, not the mere visions of the studio but those which had been inspired by their country's greatness and by contact with those who had made her great.

In a word, Hellas during her classic days was a region full of beauty and glory, until the close of the Peloponnesian war left Athens but a shadow of her former self, her revenues, her fleet and fortifications destroyed, and her empire a dream of the past.

Sparta had made war on Athens in the name of liberty; yet after conquering her rival, not by strategy but by brute force and the aid of Persian gold, she established in the committee known as the thirty tyrants one of the worst forms of tyranny. But their reign of terror was soon at an end, and within a few months the Athenian democracy was restored. A few years later, after Conon’s victory at Cnidus where the Spartan fleet was shattered, the Long Walls of Athens were rebuilt. Presently came Leuctra, where the tactics of Epaminondas gave to Thebes the supremacy among Grecian states, until the battle of Chaeronea placed Hellas at the feet of Philip of Macedon. It was against Philip, after his usurpation of the throne, that the most stirring orations of Demosthenes were directed, and for this he was never forgiven, either by the monarch or his more famous son. Demosthenes being at the head of the list of orators demanded by Alexander the Great from the Greeks who tendered their submission after the chastisement inflicted on Thebes.

After his father's assassination, in 336, Alexander promptly suppressed an insurrectionary movement, and there were none to dispute his claim to the throne of Macedonia and the captain-generalcy of Greece. Thebes, one of the most ancient of Grecian cities and from time immemorial a power of the first rank, he treated with special severity. Except the Cadmea, reserved for a Macedonian garrison, and as is said the home of Pindar, he razed all its buildings to the ground, and of its inhabitants 6,000 were put to the sword and 30,000 sold into slavery. Though the city was rebuilt some twenty years later, it never again played a leading part in the history of Hellas, and today the lion monument of which fragments are still to be seen on the field of Chaeronea is a more impressive memorial than anything that the present city contains.

Ever since the expedition of Cyrus the younger, the conquest of Persia had been the dream of military leaders, Philip having assembled for this purpose an army gathered from every quarter of Greece. None were more eager than Alexander to carry out his father’s project; for he loved fame and power more than the enjoyment of the large estates and revenues which he possessed in his private right, and of which he thought so little that he distributed them among his adherents. He was a sanguine, as well as a liberal prince, and we can fully believe in the well-known answer which he made to Perdiccas, when asked what he reserved for himself, "Hope," said the conqueror of Persia. It was at this time, after demanding the surrender of certain Athenian orators of anti-Macedonian proclivities, that he offered to Phocion a present of 100 talents. But said Phocion to those who brought the money: "Why should I be selected as the recipient of his bounty?” “Because,” they replied. "Alexander considers you" the only just and honest man among them.

Like other great captains Alexander loved war for its own sake, even more than for that which victory brings, saying to his physician when prostrated by fever, "I cannot remain longer here; for you know I do not care so much to live as to fight.” While ranked among the foremost of generals, whether in ancient or modern times, it is probable that he has been somewhat overrated. When setting forth for the conquest of Persia, after arranging the affairs of Greece, he was about to match himself with a foe of far inferior caliber to those whom Hannibal, Caesar, and Napoleon encountered, and of this inferiority none were so well aware as he. Moreover, Persia was at this time a loosely jointed empire, more so even than is now the empire of Turkey, one consisting of divers races, differing in religion, language, customs, and held together by the last and feeblest of its monarchs. The expedition of Cyrus the younger, followed by Xenophon's masterly retreat, had shown how easy it was for a few thousand Greeks to invade and afterward make good their escape from a country whose people were divided against themselves, and of most unwarlike temperament. Nevertheless it was a bold undertaking to penetrate into the heart of this vast and thickly peopled kingdom, and confront its unnumbered hosts with less than 35,000 men, though among them were the veterans of the Macedonian phalanx, probably the choicest troops in the world.

Contrast this slender force with the army which, after the victory on the Granicus, Alexander defeated on the plain near Issus, 600,000 in number, apart from the multitude of attendants which always followed in the train of a Persian monarch.

The array of Darius Codomannus, as it set forth on its disastrous campaign, resembled rather a military pageant than an army marching to the battlefield. In front were borne the sacred altars of silver followed by the Magi singing hymns, and accompanied by 365 youths in purple; then came the chariot of Jupiter drawn by white horses, the equerries in white and each with a rod of gold in his hand. Then chariots in sculptured gold and silver preceded a body of horse and the ten thousand Immortals, the latter with golden collars and arrayed in robes of gold tissue covered with gems. Next were the kind's relatives in glittering dress and armor; then the king’s guard, and finally the king himself, seated in his chariot as on a throne side by side with images of the gods in gold and silver and jewels.

“Darius," says one who describes this procession, "was clothed in a vest of purple striped with silver, and over it a long robe glittering with gold and precious stones, in designs that represented two falcons rushing from the clouds and pecking at one another. Around his waist he wore a golden girdle, called cidaris, after the manner of women, from which hung his scimitar, its scabbard flaming all over with gems. On his head was a tiara, or mitre, and around it a fillet of blue mixed with white. On each side of his chariot walked 200 of his nearest relations, followed by 10,000 pikemen, their weapons adorned with silver and tipped with gold,—by a rear guard of 30,000 infantry, and by the king’s led horses, 400 in number. Behind them were the chariots of his wife Statira and his mother Sysigambis, with their female attendants on horseback. In fifteen large chariots were the king's children and those who had the care of their education, while in 360 carriages were seated the ladies of the court dressed in the costumes of princesses. The king's treasure, guarded by a great body of archers, was sufficient to load 300 camels and 600 mules, after which came other chariots containing the wives of the crown officers and of the greatest lords of the court. The sutlers and servants, with a body of light-armed troops, closed the procession."

But though twenty to one in number, this unwieldy host was no match for Macedonian troops, and especially for the Macedonian phalanx. Moreover Darius had placed his army in a trap, the narrow plain between the mountains and the sea in which the battle of Issus was fought, affording scarcely room to move. Here, wedged together like the Romans at Cannae, numbers were a disadvantage, and the Persian cohorts were quickly massacred or routed, only the Greek mercenaries and a portion of the cavalry making a brief resistance. Casting aside his royal robes, the craven monarch was one of the first to flee, and in such panic flight that, mounting the swiftest of his coursers, he left wife, son, and mother at the mercy of the conqueror. Alexander treated them kindly and respectfully, assuring their safety and bidding them retain their titles, for he came not, he said, to make war against Darius personally, but to determine who should be master of Asia. That he was already its master there was substantial evidence in the 4,000 talents, or nearly $5,000,000, found in the royal treasure chests, while in the pavilion of the fugitive king a perfumed bath and a table richly furnished for his repast gave to the victor a first acquaintance with oriental luxury.

While Parmenio, his second in command, captured without striking a blow the royal treasures and stores of Damascus, Alexander, proceeding southward into Phoenicia, received the surrender of Sidon, and from Tyre a present of a golden crown, with an offer of submission provided he would not enter the city, for this no foreigner must do. The Tyrians persisted in their reservation, and hence one of the most memorable sieges recorded in ancient history, second only to that of Troy, and with its records better authenticated. Of this the details are too familiar to need description, and of the result mention has been made in connection with Phoenician annals. The inhabitants of Gaza, an ancient Philistian stronghold, which for a time resisted his arms, he treated as he had treated the Tyrians, putting them to death or selling them into slavery. Thence, as Josephus relates, though his narrative lacks confirmation, he passed onward to Jerusalem, and impressed with the sacred riles of the priesthood, distributed liberal gifts and endowed the city with privileges.

More probable is the story of his visit to the temple of Jupiter Ammon in the Libyan desert, where he was greeted not as the son of Philip but of Zeus. In Egypt he was welcomed as a deliverer, and founded there the metropolis which for more than twenty-two centuries has been one of the principal emporia for the commerce of the world.

Meanwhile to dispatches from Darius, tendering ransom for his family, offering to become his friend and ally, to share with him his kingdom, and to give him his daughter in marriage, he answered that he could not accept a part of an empire which was already his by right of conquest, and in future could treat with him only as a subject. As to his daughter, he would marry her or not as he chose, and that without reference to her father’s consent. No further correspondence passed between them, and the issue was determined by the sword. Believing that his former defeat was due solely to the nature of the ground, Darius drew up his multitudinous host in a spacious plain near the village of Gaugamela, not far from the banks of the Tigris. There at the dawn of an autumn morning the Macedonians, some 47,000 strong, came in sight of an army estimated at more than 1,000,000, better armed and equipped than at Issus, and drawn up with some degree of military skill. In the center was the king, it such we may call him, surrounded by his body-guard and chosen troops, in front of whom were the war-chariots and elephants, and on either flank a large body of Greek mercenaries. Yet so sure of victory was the Macedonian leader, that for the battle of the following day he was aroused from a deep and peaceful slumber. Nor was he disappointed. While the resistance was somewhat stouter than at Issus, it ended as before in a total rout, Darius again betaking himself to flight while the result was still undecided. In the town of Arbela, whence the battle was wrongly named, for it was a score of miles away, was captured the treasure there deposited, to the amount of several thousand talents.

With the battle of Gaugamela ended the two centuries' struggle between Greece and Persia. The rich empire of the latter now lay at the conquerors feet, and unto him were opened without opposition the gates of its ancient capitals. As he entered Babylon at the head of his army, the priests sang hymns of praise as though in worship of a god; the streets were strewn with flowers, and incense was burned on altars of gold and silver. Nor in the rejoicings which followed was there anything of simulation; for under Persian rule the Babylonians had been persecuted and despised, their religion suppressed and their sanctuaries destroyed. Far otherwise was their treatment by Alexander, who as a pupil of Aristotle shared in the liberal views of the great master of civil polity. He repaired their temples, especially that of Belus, which lay in ruins, and to Bel he did sacrifice in person. The property of individuals was respected and their persons protected, the sums distributed among his troops being taken from the royal storehouse. At Susa had already been secured by one of his lieutenant’s treasures t o the amount of $60,000,000, among them much of the spoils which Xerxes had carried away from Greece. But greatest of all were the riches which he gathered at Persepolis, valued at $150,000,000, or sufficient to load several thousand beasts of burden.

Here we need not follow Alexander in his expedition to India, where after many privations and much hard campaigning, with the loss of more than half their number, his troops, on reaching the bank of the Hyphasis, refused to follow him further. Many settlements he founded on his route and peopled with Greek colonists, thus forming military posts and entrepôts of commerce, some of them, as Heart, Cabul, and Kandahar, became important centers. In the spring of 324 we find him again in Babylon, where envoys from every quarter of the world saluted him as the conqueror of Asia. There he planned new expeditions and completed his arrangements for others already in part accomplished. After voyaging along the Persian Gulf, Nearchus, his admiral-in-chief, had ascended the Euphrates and arrived at Susa with all his fleet. Other vessels constructed in Phoenicia, had been brought overland and by river to Babylon, where a great harbor was in process of construction. A flotilla was to be built for the exploration of the Caspian Sea, and Nearchus was to circumnavigate the peninsula of Arabia; for Alexander was preparing to conquer this country, after which he would conquer the world. These preparations were almost completed, and the time for departure was near at hand. But first must be celebrated the obsequies of his friend Hephaestion, and with the banquetings and carousals which common on such occasions throughout the ancient world, were exaggerated by the Macedonians into a prolonged debauch. One night Alexander passed in drinking, and the next day in sleeping off its effects. On the following night the orgies lasted until dawn; but when next he woke, the great conqueror found himself as helpless as a child; for fever held him in its grasp, and retained its hold until its victim, though still directing the preparations for the campaign, lost power of speech or motion. Thus at the age of thirty-two he passed away, declaring when asked to name his successor that he left his kingdom to the strongest.

By Niebuhr Alexander has been branded as an adventurer; but this title he deserved no more than did other great conquerors; nor can he be classed among such scourges of mankind as were Alaric, Genseric, and Attilla, Timur and Genghis Khan. His original, or at least his avowed purpose in invading Persia was to avenge the wrongs inflicted on Greece by Darius the elder, by Xerxes and Cyrus; but with victory came the lust of power, fostered by the belief in his superhuman origin. That the schemes of conquest which lasted as long as life itself would have been at least partially realized, there is little reason to doubt, unless, as seemed not improbable, his mind should lose its balance, or his splendid ability be clouded by degrading habits. During his reign Asia had been helenized and Asian arts and customs introduced into Hellas; a continent had and new forms of human and animal life, been explored, its resources laid open discovered. Had he lived, he might have brought other countries under Grecian influence, establishing a vast and centralized empire which would have welded in close communion the leading nations of the earth. His conquests completed and consolidated under a master hand and instead, this empire might have endured for ages, of the iron despotism of Rome, the world might have submitted not unwillingly to the gentler sway of Greece. His career was not all one of conquest; for as we have seen he founded many cities, and gave himself to the development of commerce and the prosecution of public works, on which he expended much of the treasure accumulated by the last of the Persian kings. For himself he loved not money, and spoke but the truth when he declared to his mutinous troops that of all the rich fruits of his campaigns he had reserved only the diadem as his reward. If his vices were many; if such deeds as the torture of Philotas and the slaying of Clitus must be regarded with horror and disgust, there was much, apart from military genius, to shed luster on the name of one whom the world has agreed to call great.

After the death of Alexander, the political history of Greece until the time of her conquest by the Romans is of minor significance, her achievements no longer influencing the destinies of the human race. Some few episodes there were, as the revolutions of Agis and Cleomenes in Laconia; but these were not followed by important results. Beginning with the close of the third century before Christ, it may be said that the Greeks were thenceforth famous rather as individuals than as a people, many among them being held in esteem as philosophers, artists, or men of science and letters. Their achievements and sayings were still valued throughout the civilized world, but as communities, says Grote, "they lost their orbits and become the satellites of more powerful neighbors.”

During the interval between the death of Alexander and the subjugation of the Greeks by the Romans, the annals of the former are somewhat bare of interest. Except Sparta, nearly all the Hellenic states fell under the power of some neighboring potentate, though the Achaean league, a combination of the various commonwealths for mutual self-protection, revived for a time their decaying energies and threw luster over their decline. From this Lacedaemon held aloof; for the city was ruled by a wealthy oligarchy opposed to the reforms of Agis and Cleomenes, the former of whom they put to death, while at the instigation of the latter the Macedonians invaded Laconia, and at Sellasia inflicted on Sparta a crushing blow. A few years later the monarchy of Philip V of Macedon was shattered by the Romans at Cynoscephaae, the conquest of Macedonia and Hellas being completed by the defeat of his son at Pydna, followed in 146 by the capture and burning of Corinth.

Of what may be termed Roman vandalism, there is no more striking example than the pillage and destruction of this wealthy and time-honored city of the isthmus, rich in the accumulated treasures of Hellenic science and art.

Situated on the ledge of a precipitous rock, nearly 2,000 feet high, on the summit of which stood the Acrocorinthus or citadel, Corinth was connected by walls with its port of Lechaeum, frequented by Phoenician navigators in prehistoric ages. Homer speaking of Korinthos as a thriving and populous center, while long before the days of Homer it was known as Ephyre. When Athens was still little more than a village the ingenuity and enterprise of the Corinthians had multiplied their commerce and resources by a series of inventions and appliances which were the wonder of the ancient world. There the first trireme was built, and there was a device corresponding to the modern ship railroad, vessels being dragged across the isthmus to the sea beyond, thus avoiding the dangers of a voyage around the Peloponnese. Corinthian architecture served as a model for Hellas, and it was not until a later period that its classic simplicity degenerated into the florid and ornate. Corinthian vases and pottery were decorated in beautiful designs, and painting, if not introduced by Corinth, received many improvements from such artists as Cleanthes and Aridices. Her bronzes, coffers, and articles of furniture were known to all countries bordering on the Aegean and Adriatic, the cedar chest of Cypselus, inlaid with innumerable figures in ivory and gold, being described by Pausanias as a miracle of artistic workmanship. Her colonies were numerous and powerful, among them being Syracuse and Corcyra, with the Achaian, Locrian, and Phocian towns on either side of the gulf, and some of the most flourishing settlements in southern Italy. Long the rival of Athens, she finally submitted, as did Athens, to the Macedonian yoke, though as the head of the Achaean league a central figure in the departing glories of Hellas.

Such was the city which the consul Mummius despoiled and razed to the ground, putting to the sword or selling into slavery all who had not made their escape after the final overthrow of the Achaean army. The spoils were enormous, and after many shiploads had been sent to Rome, after much had been sold or given away and more had been wantonly destroyed, there were buried sufficient to form a rich quarry of treasures for the benefit of future ages. Of their value Mummius knew nothing, for he belonged to the primitive Romans of Cato’s time, and had all their rusticity of training manners, and tastes; so that we may well believe the story as to his contract with those who were to transfer to Roman temples these priceless gems of art—that if lost or damaged they were to be replaced by others of equal value. Attalus, king of Pergamus, knew better their worth, offering, as Pliny and Strabo relate, 600,000 sesterces for a single painting by Aristides of Thebes. As stated by Polybius, who was an eyewitness of the scene, no respect was shown for the most sacred offerings of Corinthian fanes, statuary and pictures being thrown on the ground where for Roman soldiers played dice upon them. The most valuable could be had almost for the asking. Lucullus, for instance, receiving some of the choicest sculptures for his temple of Good Fortune as a loan, but never returned; for Mummius would not even deign to take them away, though requested to do so when he chose. Of the painted vases of the Corinthians many specimens have been preserved; of their bronzes not a single piece remains; but, says Florus, "Corinthian brass was highly esteemed, since images and statues being melted together in the fire, veins of brass gold and silver ran together in a single mass." In the time of Julius Caesar the city was rebuilt by Greek and Roman freedmen , who gathered the buried spoils, even to the sepulchral ornaments which alone had escaped the desecration of Mummius; but between the Corinth of the classic and of the Roman age there was nothing in common except its site while , today it is one of the smallest and poorest of Hellenic towns.

The Greeks were the first to establish colonies in the proper sense of the word, their settlements extending over the shores and islands of the Mediterranean, and increasing so rapidly in resources that not a few became themselves the founders of colonies, engaging in friendly or hostile rivalry with the mother country.

While the origin of many was due to civil dissensions or surplus population, all claimed to be citizens of Hellas no less than those whose abodes were at Athens or Corinth, the word apoikos, or colonist, meaning simply one who is away from home. Such enterprises were undertaken with the consent of the community, under the management of its leaders, and with the sanction of the oracles and of local deities. If no longer subject to the control of the parent city, they treated her with respect, and for one to make war on the other was considered a violation of sacred ties, though such bonds were easily severed at the dictates of jealousy or ambition.

The first care of the settlers, after making choice of their adopted land, was to build for themselves a city, usually on the sea-coast and in the neighborhood of a hill which might serve as an acropolis. Then were erected all the public buildings essential to the religious, social, and political life of the Greeks,—the temples of their tutelary gods, an agora for public meetings, a gymnasium for the training of the young, and as soon as means would permit, a theater. Colonies, it has often been remarked, favor the growth of democracy; for traditionary ceremonies and usages cannot long be preserved in a community whose members have confronted the same hardships, dangers, and difficulties. And especially was this true of the Hellenic colonies, where aristocracy found no permanent foothold, and where democratic institutions were established earlier than in Hellas itself. Thus, favored as they were by political independence and by their advantages of commercial position, many developed into centers of wealth and population far exceeding those on the mainland or Peloponnese.

As to the earlier Doric, Aeolic, and Ionian colonies, founded on the coast of Asia Minor and on the islands between it and Hellas, their origin belongs to the mythical age, though as to some, and especially the Spartan colonies in Crete, there are a few authentic records. The lonians were the foremost of colonizers, their settlements ranking above the rest in commercial enterprise; so that in the seventh century Miletus, their principal city, had become the commercial metropolis of the Greeks, planting also a large number of colonies, of which Cyzicus on the Propontis and Sinope on the Euxine became the most prominent. Ephesus, of whose temple I shall speak later, owed her prosperity to a large interior trade. By the lonians of Phocœa was founded the city of Massalia, or Marseilles, with other ports on the coast of Gaul and Spain. In Sicily was a group of Ionic communities, and in Italy Cumae, founded, as tradition relates, more than a thousand years before the Christian era, was also an Ionian settlement.

But in Sicily and Italy the most flourishing colonies were not of Ionian origin. Syracuse, the ancient capital of the former, founded by the Corinthians in 734, contained at one time half a million of inhabitants within its twenty-two miles of circuit. Agrigentum, whose foundations were laid by the Dorians in 772, became the wonder of the world for the grandeur of its public buildings; so that it was termed by Pindar "the fairest of mortal cities.” Sybaris and Croton, built by the Achaeans about half a century later, were the wealthiest of Italian settlements until the war between them ended in the destruction of the former. The opulence and luxury of the Sybarites has caused their name to pass into a proverb, five thousand knights, it is said, arrayed in magnificent attire, passing in procession on festal days. Tarentum, a Spanish colony, succeeded Sybaris as a center of wealth and power, her harbor, one of the best in Italy, contributing to her prosperity as a commercial port. Locri and Rhegium were the principal settlements in southern Italy, and on the western coast the ruins of Posidoma, or Paestum, a daughter of Sybaris, attest its former greatness. On the northern shore of Africa, Cyrene became a leading mart of trade, with several offshoots, of which Barca was the most important; but the jealousy of Carthage prevented Greek colonization from spreading far in this direction. In Epirus, Macedonia, and Thrace colonies were also numerous and powerful, extending along the shores of the Ionian and Aegean seas, of the Hellespont, Propontis, and Euxine, as far northward as the mouth of the Danube. Corcyra, the offspring of Corinth, presently became her rival, not only for commercial but for naval supremacy, a war between them in 664 including the first naval action that history records, while their later dissensions were among the leading causes of the Peloponnesian war. Byzantium, originally founded by the Megarians and destroyed by the Persians was colonized by Pausanias after his victory at Platae. Thus it will be seen that in the art of colonization, as in other arts, whether of peace or war, the world owes much to the Greeks, whose methods the experience of more than two thousand years has in some respects failed to improve.

For several centuries after the destruction of Corinth, the history of Greece is merely that of a Roman province, though most of her institutions were retained, and there was little interference with the property and rights of citizens. In this instance the harshness of Roman despotism was modified; the leading states were treated as allies; the people felt not their subjection, and for a time had little reason to regret the change. But while taxes were not increased they were no longer expended on public improvements, but for the maintenance of Roman armies and the embellishment of the Roman capital. Thus the drain began to be felt, though not at first; for the conquests of Alexander had transferred to the Greeks the accumulated treasures of the Persian Empire, and Greece was never so wealthy as during the last years of her existence as an independent nation. At a later period the direct burden of taxation was as nothing compared with the extortions of those to whom taxes were farmed or sublet, special tribunals being created for the enforcement of their claims, while usurers followed in their wake, rapidly absorbing the possessions of landed proprietors. Then there were the privileges and monopolies granted to Roman colonists, and the large amounts required for the establishment of Roman governors. Finally came the proconsuls, who plundered their provinces, and from whose oppression there was no redress; for they were responsible only to the senate by whom they were appointed and of which they were members, thus insuring a decision in their favor.

When Mithridates made war against the Romans in Asia Minor, many of the Hellenic states declared for the former, hoping to regain their independence. But the appearance of Sulla and his army quickly undeceived them. Athens, which alone refused to submit, was taken by storm after a stubborn resistance, followed by massacre and pillage, the destruction of the Piraeus, and the plunder and desecration of the Delphic and other shrines. It was during this war that Verres, whose trial, conducted by Cicero, was one of the most memorable in forensic annals returned to Rome laden with the spoils of the Sicilian Greeks, whose estates he ruined by exorbitant imposts, and whose cities and temples he stripped of their works of art. In the reign of Augustus and his successors a better state of affairs prevailed, and by Hadrian, who in tastes and sympathies was himself a Greek, many splendid structures were erected, and many works of public utility improved the condition of the people. Yet from seven millions, when Hellas became a Roman province, her population had been reduced to little more than three millions; for with the standard of prices established under the empire none but the rich and their dependents could afford to live there, the poorer classes seeking their fortunes in Asiatic cities.

With the decadence of Rome, Greece in common with southern Europe was overrun by successive hordes of barbarians; first by the Goths and then by the Huns and Vandals, though Rome herself suffered more severely than any of her provinces. By Constantine was introduced into Greece the Roman municipal system, whereby each town, with its tributary district, was subject to a local senate elected from the landed proprietors. By this body all taxes were collected, and for their collection its members were held responsible even to the confiscation of their effects; so that to increase the revenue a caste system was later introduced; the social and industrial sphere of all classes was strictly regulated, and the son required to follow his lather's calling, while the rural population was bound to the soil and reduced to the condition of serfs. Hence came wide spread misery and discontent, further increased by the disarmament of the entire people; none but the military class, most of whom were foreigners, being permitted to carry arms. By Justinian the fetters of Greece were yet more strongly riveted, and the burden of taxation became intolerable; here as elsewhere, he cared not how his subjects were impoverished, so that foreign conquests shed a false luster on his name.

But from the Byzantine and post-Byzantine eras we may pass in the briefest of phrase to modern Greece; for between the fall of Constantinople and the opening of the nineteenth century, her people are barely mentioned in history, except when butchered or carried into captivity. Whether Turks or Venetians, Austrians or Russians held sway in Hellas, mattered little to her people; for all were alike her oppressors.

The Ottomans in their march of conquest slew all the males in captured cities, and reserved the women for harems and slave markets while the western Christians were scarcely less cruel and barbarous. The Venetians punished the Greeks for refusing to acknowledge the pope, and for submitting to the Turks, while the Turks punished them for submitting to the Venetians and later to the Russians, whose brief and partial domination offered no hope of relief. Moreover, the seas were infested with pirates, who had no regard for human life, except so far as human beings might serve as commodities for sale. The population emigrated by thousands, and among them nearly all the learned and wealthy sought refuge from Turkish misrule. In a word the Greeks, while surviving as a people, had ceased to exist as a nation, their condition resembling somewhat that of the Jews who were scattered among all the countries of the earth.

Yet once their conquest was completed the Turks troubled themselves but little about the civil government of Greece. So long as their revenues were promptly paid, and there were plenty of shapely women to fill their harems, they cared not how the people raised their quota of tribute, or how they managed their affairs. Many of the Greeks who professed the Mohammedan faith had been promoted to high command, while for those who remained Christians there was no hope of bettering their condition. Hence the spread of Islamism, which found many converts also in adjacent countries; so that the sultans, alarmed at the decrease in their tribute-paying subjects, treated the Christians with more indulgence. Of the Caramuratades, a Christian community in Albania, it is related that in the sharpness of their distress they cast about them for a remedy, thinking that their faith should have delivered them from oppression, if in faith there was any saving efficacy. Yet they would give it another trial, hoping to conciliate the deity by fasting and supplication. But the lenten season, observed with rigorous severity, brought no improvement in their lot, and on Easter day they dismissed their priests and went over in a body to Islam.

Nevertheless the Greeks and Turks could never assimilate as a nation. The number of the former who accepted Mohammedanism, though not inconsiderable, was only a small proportion of the whole, while between the social customs of Greek and Ottoman there was nothing in common. By one of the sultans it was even proposed to exterminate the entire Christian population, and this might have been attempted but for the attendant loss of revenue. If they could not be converted, they served none the less as drudges for their masters, cultivating their lands and paving the taxes from which the latter were exempt. This was at least better than extermination, and it remained only to exact in labor and tribute all that their bondsmen would bear. So low had fallen in the seventeenth century the Greece of Solon and Pericles!

But there were redeeming influences at work, and first of all the influence of the Greek church, which served more than all else to keep the people together, and to preserve their nationality from extinction. While many of the bishops and patriarchs played a double part, and were neither true to their countrymen nor to the sultan; while many were only self-seeking, and not a few guilty of simony, there were others who shrank later Greek coins at no sacrifice, and the lower orders, maintaining themselves by some form of handicraft, worked in the main for good. The close of the eighteenth and the opening years of the nineteenth century were marked by the spread of culture and education, and by a rekindling of national sentiment. The French revolution had made men ashamed that as the descendants of the greatest nation of antiquity they should be held in subjection by alien and barbarian hordes. These and other causes were preparing the Greeks for their struggle for liberty, which beginning in 1821, simultaneously with the acquisition of Mexican independence, after many conflicts, internal dissentions, and European intermeddlings, culminated in 1832 in the crowning of Otto of Bavaria as king of Greece. Throughout the entire war the Greeks fought bravely, and especially at Mesolonghi, where, after a twelve months' siege, men and women who had fought together shared the sad fate which aroused the sympathies of Europe. Thus if at times they were savage and brutal in their treatment of the Turks, it is not greatly to be wondered at, for it was not to be expected that they would deal gently with those who for centuries had massacred or enslaved their countrymen.

Otto of Bavaria was not the man to rule over independent Hellas, now recognized as such by her protecting powers, England, France, and Russia.

At a despotic court he had received a despot’s training, and knew no other form of government than despotism in its milder form. Moreover, he brought with him a number of his countrymen, on whom all important offices were bestowed, to the exclusion of the Greeks, who began to look upon their liberty as merely a change of masters. Nor were matters mended by the revolution of 1843. Otto, though dismissing his Bavarians, failing to establish as he had promised a responsible ministry and a representative assembly. In 1862 a second revolution drove him from the country; whereupon, eager for a constitutional monarchy, the people elected in the person of Prince Alfred, a stripling scion of British royalty, with only 7,000 dissentient votes out of a total of 471,000. But among the protecting powers it had been agreed that no one related to their reigning families should become king of Greece, and thus for a time the throne of time-honored Hellas was going a-begging for an occupant. Finally England, after several refusals to nominate a ruler, selected Wilhelm, the second son of the king of Denmark, and in June 1863, under the title of Georgios I king of the Hellenes, as they still called themselves. Wilhelm began his reign.

Except for a dispute as to constitutional procedure, and the persistent efforts of the Greeks to extend their boundaries, though always repressed by the protecting powers, the administration of Georgios has in the main been peaceful and acceptable. England added to his kingdom the Ionian Islands, and under treaty of June 1881 were surrendered by Turkey most of her possessions in Thessaly and Epirus. By the provisions of the constitution all legislative functions were vested in a single chamber, still named the boule as in Homers time, representatives elected by manhood suffrage serving a three years' term and enacting measures only by an absolute majority of all the members. The public revenue and expenditure are about evenly balanced, the former nearly doubling since 1885, and the latter showing a considerable decrease. With a population of less than 2,500,000 in 1894, the total indebtedness amounted to $165,000,000 or $66 per capita, of which however a portion was represented in public improvements, among them a canal across the isthmus of Corinth, opened for traffic in the preceding year.

While of the population of Greece nearly one-half are farmers agriculture is still in a most backward condition, the farming implements of many districts differing but little from those which were in use in the days of Homer and Hesiod.

As a rule the fields are merely scratched by a plough, which the peasant carries on his shoulders and works with oxen, for the small Thessalian horses commonly in use are not fitted for the purpose. Rotation of crops is almost unknown, as also are drainage and the use of fertilizing substances though irrigation is well understood. Few of the farms are enclosed; the crops are raised in patches, and for dwellings there are huts of adobe or wood, in which is neither window nor chimney, but always a picture of the virgin. Under Turkish rule the resident proprietary was small and poor, the sultan owning two-thirds of the land which after the revolution, became national property and was offered at reasonable terms. Hence the great increase in the number of small freeholders, of which there are probably not less than 30,000, though few are large employers of labor, the harvests being mainly gathered by Albanians, who work in gangs at wages which the Greek laborer will not accept. The latter must also observe his feast days and holidays, of which there are several every month in the year, thus largely diminishing the amount of labor accomplished and of wages earned. Yet there are few paupers in Greece; few that is who are absolutely destitute; and of all European countries this is about the only one in which beggars are rare.

Of cereals an average yield may be stated at 20,000,000 bushels from 1,200,000 acres of land, imports to the amount of $5,000,000 being required to meet the local consumption. Vineyards are plentiful, the vintage for 1894 exceeding 70,000,000 gallons, and of a quality that found favor in foreign markets. Of currants the yield is enormous, the crop for 1894 being estimated at 360,000,000 pounds, and for many years furnishing more than half the total of export values. But the currant is in fact a small variety of grape, which is cultivated in certain portions of the Morea and of the Ionian Islands, and so far as is known thrives nowhere else in the world. Most of the crop is shipped to England, to be used for the plum puddings without which no Christmas dinner is regarded as complete. The fig and the olive oil of Attica still maintain the reputation which they enjoyed in the days of Pericles; and among other fruits are the orange, lemon, citron, apricot, and pomegranate. In the south of the Morea sericulture is a favorite industry; cotton and tobacco are favored by exemption from imposts, and rice is grown on the historic plains of Argos and Marathon. Of honey there is a moderate yield; but the honey of Hymettus is no longer famous as in classic days, when it served as a substitute for sugar, then unknown to the world. With live-stock the country is fairly supplied, and especially with sheep and goats; for the milk of cows is considered unwholesome, that of ewes and goats being used not only as a beverage but for the making of butter and cheese. Manufactures are increasing, but as yet of no great volume. Iron, lead, zinc, and other ores are largely worked or exported for reduction; and still the marble quarries of Paros and Pentelicus produce as abundantly as when furnisoing materials for Athenian temples.

The commerce of Greece has developed rapidly since with the acquisition of independence restrictions and monopolies were removed. From a few million dollars in 1863, when Georgios was crowned as king, exports and imports had increased to nearly $50,000,000 in 1894. Much of the traffic is with Great Britain, amounting to some 40 percent of the whole; but the Greeks are among the shrewdest and most enterprising of traders, and there are few European countries to which their transactions do not extend.

Miscellany—As with worship, so with wealth, in prehistoric times its history is a myth, The hills of Hellas furnished ship timber, and in boats men sailed from promontory to island finding veins of metal copper gold and silver.

The gods by their guidance, like Polycrates by his piracy, protected commerce and became wealthy. If the adventure proved fortunate the sanctuaries were not forgotten, and no true trader sailed past Delos without remembering Apollo.

Polycrates made of piracy a business, and heaped upon Samos the fruits of his craft and enterprise. To ensure safety every ship that made a voyage must buy protection from Polycrates, and every defenseless coast and island must pay him tribute; so that from a piratical camp Samos became a piratical state, with all the lesser pirates as subjects. Material was brought in from every quarter, gold diamonds and marbles, and industries arose, and art learning and luxury followed.

Unearthed at Mycenae were some of the heroes of the Trojan war, sepulchered supposedly BC 1183—Agamemnon, of gigantic size, resting amid his heaps of treasures, the face covered with a golden mask, breast plates of gold, helmet on the head and a golden diadem covering the brow, with hundreds of golden buttons, broken weapons, and thousands of various other objects.

In his Plutus, Aristophanes relates how one Chremylus, a poor but just man, consulted the oracle at Delphi as to whether or not he should instruct his son in knavery, injustice, and other arts whereby men gather wealth. He received no definite answer, but was told to follow the first man he should meet on leaving the temple. This chanced to be Plutus himself, whom Zeus had made blind that he might not distinguish between the just and the unjust. By the aid of Aescnlapius the god of wealth was restored to his sight, whereupon all the just were made rich and the unjust reduced to poverty.

The temple of Delphi probably contained more wealth than could be found elsewhere in all the Hellenic states, the Phoenicians carrying away from it 10,000 talents or nearly $12,000,000 in gold and silver. Yet there remained sufficient, not only of the precious metals but of brass and brazen ornaments, to satisfy the rapacity of successive plunderers. Its art treasures were among the richest in Greece, and even in the days of Pausanias, when the oracle had fallen into disrepute, there was still a very large collection of the choicest of classic paintings and sculptures.

As compared with the Phoenicians, the Romans, and with some modern nations, the Greeks were not a money-making or money-loving people. It is probable that there were not a dozen men in Athens worth more than the equivalent of $100,000, while half that sum was considered as riches and one-fourth of it as a handsome competence. Demosthenes the orator, whose father left him nearly $20,000, was said to have been born to wealth, and even when robbed of most of his patrimony, so that there was left to him only some $250 or $300 a year, he lived very comfortably on his income. Nicias, in his time the richest of the Greeks, had a revenue of about $20,000, mainly derived from the mines of Laurium. The father of Democritus, one of the founders of the Atomic school, was rich enough to entertain Xerxes and his host on their homeward march from Salanus. Pelopidas, the hero of the Sacred Band, succeeded to a very large property, further increased by marriage, and this he devoted largely to the relief of the poor. So it was with other wealthy Greeks, who while not despising money, preferred to use it for the public good, never hoarding it and seldom using it for the gratification of vicious tastes.

Of Alknaeon it is related that alter slaving his mother, by command of his father and under the sanction of the Delphic oracle, he was pursued by one of the Erinyes, who chased him from place to place without any interval of repose until his reason became unsettled. Claiming the protection of Apollo, he was ordered to place as a votive offering in his temple the necklace which Hephaestus made for Harmonia, wife of Cadmus and daughter of the gods. This was among the plunder which the Phocaeans captured at Delphi, their women quarrelling fiercely over the division of such spoils.

In the British museum is an Elean silver coin, on which is stamped the head of the Olympian Zeus, in such strong and beautiful workmanship that it is believed to have been taken from the famous statue of Phidias. Phidias, it may here be said, was one of the few artists who became rich, and this perhaps not altogether by honest means; for as Plutarch relates he was charged by one of his assistants with stealing a portion of the gold entrusted to him for the chryselephantine statue of Athena. He was acquitted, however, and certain it is that he did not want for orders wherewith to make his fortune. His first large order was for the monumental group at Delphi, to be paid for out of the booty secured in the war with Persia. Among other of his works not mentioned in the text was a colossal figure of Athena executed for a Plataean temple, the body of the statue covered with plates of gold, and the face, hands, and feet of Pentelic marble. Chiefly in gold and ivory were fashioned the masterpieces which brought him wealth and fame.

By Aristagoras governor of Miletus was brought to Sparta early in the sixth century, a tablet of bronze on which were engraved the outlines of the earth, its seas and rivers. This was the first recorded attempt at geographical delineation, and, though rough and imperfect, served to convey a fair idea of the principal countries of the world as then it was known.

In an octagonal tower built by Andronicus Cyrrhestes is a water-clock, on the eight faces of which are inscribed in marble the names and allegorical figures of the winds, each facing the quarter whence it blows. Beneath them lines traced on the wall indicated by their shadow the hour of day; and on the summit a triton’s wand, held by a figure of bronze and revolving on an axis, rested over the image of the wind which happened to be blowing at the time.

When Solon increased the value of the mina from 73 to 100 drachmas, certain of his friends, receiving a hint as to the intended change, borrowed large sums of money wherewith to purchase estates on the former basis. The great lawgiver was himself a loser by his own measure, having five talents or nearly $6,000 invested in mortgages—a large sum in those days for a struggling Athenian merchant. When Solon visited Sardis, Herodotus says that Croesus took him to his house and showed him all his treasures, and then asked him "Whom thinkest thou the happiest man in all the world?" "Tellus”, replied Solon, "who died for his" country.” “And the next happiest?" continued Croesus, hoping he would name the wealthy king of Lydia. But Solon said Cleobis and Biton, because being dutiful the gods loved them and took them early hence. Then was Croesus wroth; but Solon said, "Who can tell what man is happy until he be dead not knowing, what his last days may bring forth?" The story is well enough told, and might have been true but for the fact that Croesus did not succeed to the throne until several years after Solon had ended his travels.

"Why is it?” asked Xerxes at Thermopylae, "that the Greeks have sent so slender a force against me?" They were celebrating the Olympic games, he was told, and until these were over they troubled themselves little about him or his host. Meanwhile the 300 Spartans and their allies would hold the pass against him.

As one of the victors of Salamis Themistocles received no honors from his countrymen; but visiting Sparta he was presented with a crown of olive the usual reward of the conqueror. One of the finest chariots the city could furnish was sent him as a gift, and on his departure he was escorted by 300 knights selected from the ranks of the Spartan cavalry. That each of the commanders at Salamis claimed the victory as his own appears from the vote taken on the altar of Poseidon, where they were required to leave a tablet inscribed with the names of those whom they deemed en titled to the first and second prizes. All claimed the first prize for themselves, Themistocles receiving a majority of votes for the Second prize.

Plutarch relates that among the spoils taken by Alexander the Great was a golden casket of curious workmanship. Alexander inquired of his friends what they thought most worthy to be placed in it as a memorial. Many things were suggested, but, said the conqueror, "The one that most deserves such an honor is the Iliad."

The mines of Laurium, near Athens, were worked at a period so remote that no record remains as to when or by whom they were first developed. Coins made from the silver of these mines circulated throughout the civilized world, and it was mainly through their product that Athens was enabled to build and maintain the fleets with which she secured the naval supremacy of Greece. They were worked by individuals, who paid a certain sum in cash and a yearly rental varying with the output. The yield appears to have fluctuated largely and was probably most abundant at the time when the Athenians needed every drachma they could lay their hands upon; that is to say, during the Persian and Peloponnesian wars. At the time of his expedition against Syracuse, Nicias had 1,000 slaves at work in them; in Xenophon’s time they were becoming exhausted, and by Pausanias they are mentioned only as a reminiscence of the past. Still are to be seen not a few of the shafts and tunnels sunk more than twenty-five centuries ago, while deposits of scoriae covering the path which leads to the sea-shore indicate the spot where silver ores were smelted. Within recent years these refuse heaps have been profitably worked by a French company, producing more lead and silver than were ever taken from the ores under the crude processes of the ancient Greeks.

About the year 1810 a report came to Veli Pasha, then governor of the Peloponnese, that much wealth lay hidden in the subterranean treasuries at Mycenae, where was the treasury of Atreus. The results of search were never fully made known.

"On the central rock of its Acropolis,” writes one in 1840, "exist the remains, in a mutilated state, of three temples, the temple of Victory—Nike Apteros—the Parthenon, and the Erectheium. Of the Propylaea in the same place, at its western entrance, some walls and a few columns are still standing. Of the theater on the south side of the Acropolis, in which the dramas of Aeschylus Sophocles and Euripides were represented, some stone steps remain. Not a vestige survives of the courts in which Demosthenes pleaded. There is no trace of the Academic porches of Plato, or of the Lyceum of Aristotle. Only a few fragments of the Long Walls which ran along the plain, and united Athens with its harbors, are yet visible. Even nature herself appears to have undergone a change. The source of the fountain Callirhoe has also vanished; the bed of the Ilissus is nearly dry; the harbor of the Piraeus is narrowed and made shallow by mud."

In 1894 the army of Greece on a peace footing was about 25,000 men, and on a war footing 100,000; besides which there was what is called a territorial army of 146,000 men. In the navy there were five armored cruisers or battleships, 30 torpedo boats, 12 gunboats, and a number of smaller craft. In the merchant marine were 125 steamers of 135,000 tons and 760 sailing vessels of 343,000 tons. Entrances and clearances are 12,000 to 15,000 vessels a year, more than half the shipping business being through the port of the Piraeus, and including much of the carrying trade of eastern Mediterranean and Black Sea ports. The first railway built was from Athens to the Piraeus, and carried passengers only, the distance being 7 1/2 miles. In 1894 there were about 600 miles in operation and 300 under construction, the Athens-Larissa railway being intended to communicate with European systems. Of telegraph lines there are more than 5,000 miles, and of wagon roads more than 2,000, the latter being greatly improved within recent years.